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P2065-013 IBM smart Operations focus Technical Mastery Test v1

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P2065-013 exam Dumps Source : IBM smart Operations focus Technical Mastery Test v1

Test Code : P2065-013
Test appellation : IBM smart Operations focus Technical Mastery Test v1
Vendor appellation : IBM
: 31 actual Questions

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IBM IBM smart Operations Center

DXC Boosts Asia protection company, Opens Operations focus | killexams.com actual Questions and Pass4sure dumps

In a bid to tackle the growing want of stringent cybersecurity solutions in Asia, DXC know-how DXC these days opened the DXC subsequent technology protection Operations core in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

overseas enterprise MACHINES employer

The core will supply advanced analytics, digital forensics, investigations and incident response and custom designed solutions to proffer protection to the digital business. This may live made feasible by means of DXC ingenious safety Operations, a favorable pass to integrate superior security analytics across counsel and operational technology for more advantageous visibility, correlation and response to protection threats and vulnerabilities.

The middle could live geared up with enormously expert protection authorities in a variety of disciplines, together with identity and entry administration, records loss prevention, protection gear administration, threat intelligence and danger monitoring, amongst others. teams will toil with customers and improve employ instances for their particular necessities, and may cater to both regional and international customers.

DXC has world security operation facilities throughout 5 continents with more than 3,500 extremely skilled protection professionals global. The company is experiencing fabulous require for its operational technology safety options within the manufacturing and energy sectors as neatly.

Rising Cybersecurity concerns Plague Asia-Pacific

the continuing digital transformation and interconnectedness in world economy savor made agencies in Asia-Pacific specifically at risk of cyber exploitation. 

Per Ken research, greater than 80% of administrations in the dwelling are focused as a result of expanding digitization.

to quote a brace of cases, Singapore’s public healthcare IT systems were attacked ultimate yr, exposing own statistics of about one hundred sixty,000 patients. The beset adopted an identical data theft efforts in other nations throughout Asia, including the vast statistics trespass of Malaysian telecommunications in 2017.

4 months into 2019, many cyber protection experts are nevertheless expecting Asia-Pacific groups to pan tough protection challenges due to scarcity of protection competencies, new cloud-connected vulnerabilities and the spread of malware, amongst others.

therefore, the boost in sophistication and aggression of cyber-assaults is likely to enhance the cybersecurity market within the place.

Future vibrant for Asian Cybersecurity Market

Per Ken research, the cybersecurity market in Asia-Pacific is expected to witness a CAGR of 15% and hit $46.1 billion via 2023, prompting trade avid gamers fancy IBM organisation IBM, Cisco system CSCO and Symantec company SYMC to up their efforts to gain partake in this market.

The introduction of a new focus in Malaysia in such an unreasonable environment seems fancy a strategic circulation by means of DXC to create its presence better during this region and raise exact line.

in the third quarter of fiscal 2019, the business’s safety company grew four.5% year over year in even quaint money, driven by pass of robust momentum in Asia. This momentum is probably going to score an impetus from the new security operations core.

DXC know-how company. fee and Consensus

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DXC know-how business. expense and Consensus | DXC know-how business. Quote

DXC currently incorporates a Zacks Rank #2 (buy). which you can descry the complete list of these days’s Zacks #1 Rank (strong purchase) stocks perquisite here.

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IBM smart Operations focus for Emergency management | killexams.com actual Questions and Pass4sure dumps

IBM® Smarter Cities® Emergency management solutions involve a number top-quality-of-breed applied sciences from IBM and IBM enterprise partners to tackle the emergency administration challenges dealing with cities. These options assist cities in amassing, consolidating, analyzing, visualizing and distributing crucial counsel amongst numerous businesses and first responders.


The department of Science & expertise and IBM Collaborate to build an smart Operations core for the Philippines | killexams.com actual Questions and Pass4sure dumps

MANILA, Philippines, may too 29, 2014 /PRNewswire/ -- The branch of Science and expertise (DOST) and IBM (NYSE: IBM) these days unveiled a brand new ingenious operations core to supply a valuable aspect of command for catastrophe management. the new middle will support the Philippine government improved manage ongoing and future catastrophe response and restoration efforts following typhoon Yolanda in 2013.

instantly following the typhoon, IBM donated an savor an effect on award of know-how and services. As allotment of the furnish, IBM, in collaboration with relied on trade partners, delivered the IBM smart Operations core (IOC) with an integrated Communications gadget (ICS) on the pass to facilitate enhanced and extra coordinated catastrophe management efforts with the DOST and throughout a considerable number of executive businesses.

The built-in solution will pull statistics from disparate sources into a common view, proposing emergency managers with faultfinding tips such as boost warning for extreme climate hobbies, comments from first responders on the number of casualties and affected households, circumstance of structures, roads, and infrastructure.  These disbursed information sources deliver analytics and situation planning to streamline and combine the government's response to disasters. in addition, the retort will allow superior communications for first responders and emergency personnel. 

"building on a depended on, long term relationship between IBM and their national govt, IBM acted at once to mobilize and launch an influence outfit with two essential solutions: an ingenious Operations middle for Emergency management and an built-in Communications gadget," spoke of Secretary Mario Montejo, branch of Science and expertise.  "IBM's supply comes with two years of help, together with an IBM-led transition team. this could live positive that we've the information and handicap vital to entirely maximize the energy of this new know-how to create Filipinos safer and greater resilient to risks equivalent to Haiyan"

"within the wake of storm Yolanda, IBM groups in the US and Philippines recognized each the enormity of the crossroad and the haphazard to supply leading edge expertise," pointed out Mariels Almeda Winhoffer, President and nation well-known manager, IBM Philippines. "These solutions will tackle the executive's necessity for superior decision-making support and on the identical time, give a starting point to superior manage future responses."

"IBM's touch supply to the Philippine executive - considered one of 350 gives you they are able to award this 12 months - demonstrates their corporate commitment to providing resourceful know-how that may aid in any respect phases of disaster," referred to Stanley S. Litow, IBM vice president, corporate Citizenship & corporate Affairs and President, IBM basis.

the brand new facility, with an estimated market expense of the award is $3.5 million, is institute in the guidance and Communications know-how office (ICTO) constructing, Diliman, Quezon metropolis, Philippines.

learn more about IBM Citizenship classes at www.ibm.com/accountability

Contact tips

Owen CammayoExternal members of the family LeaderIBM Philippines, IncPhone: (+632) 995-2519Mobile: (+632) 917-888-6936cammayol@ph.ibm.com

Donna MattoonIBM CommunicationsCorporate Citizenship & company Affairs518-852-3113dbmattoo@us.ibm.com

logo - http://pictures.prnewswire.com/prnh/20090416/IBMLOGOPhoto - http://photographs.prnewswire.com/prnh/20140528/92028

supply IBM

Copyright (C) 2014 PR Newswire. sum rights reserved


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Automation and Technology enlarge animate Standards | killexams.com actual questions and Pass4sure dumps

Many Americans worry that automation will significantly reduce the necessity for human employees. Historical experience should palliate to alleviate many of these concerns. Technological advances savor eliminated specific jobs and reduced prices, but the historical record shows this has left consumers with more money to spend elsewhere, increasing the require for human labor in other sectors of the economy. Some prominent economists intimate that this time is different. They awe that advances in computer technology will substantially reduce the require for human labor, especially less-skilled labor.

The data intimate that these concerns are similarly misplaced. Productivity growth has slowed over the past decade. The less-skilled employees who are often seen as endangered by automation savor seen their employment and compensation grow at above-average rates. Automation is changing the nature of toil Americans do, but not the overall necessity for human labor. Technological progress continues to enable Americans to attain higher animate standards.

Long-Standing Concerns

Many analysts awe that technological advances will soon create much human labor redundant.[1] They foretell that many employers will soon lack productive tasks for less-skilled Americans. Historically, these concerns surface most often when cyclical unemployment is high. During the considerable Depression, British economist John Maynard Keynes predicted impending mass “technological unemployment”:

In quite a few years—in their own lifetimes I mean—we may live able to effect sum the operations of agriculture, mining, and manufacture with a quarter of the human effort to which they savor been accustomed.…

…We are being afflicted with a new disease of which some readers may not yet savor heard the name, but of which they will hear a considerable deal in the years to come—namely, technological unemployment. This means unemployment due to their discovery of means of economising the employ of labour outrunning the pace at which they can find new uses for labour.[2]

After World War II, the American and British economies recovered and those fears subsided. They resurfaced in America again after the 1957 and 1960 recessions. In 1961, Time magazine reported:

How much has the rapid spread of technological change contributed to the current elevated of 5,400,000 out of work? Labor Secretary Arthur Goldberg eventual week set up a special group to find an answer. While no one has yet sorted out the jobs lost because of the overall drop in trade from those lost through automation and other technological changes, many a labor expert tends to set much of the blame on automation.…

In the past, new industries hired far more people than those they set out of business. But this is not cogent of many of today’s new industries.... Today’s new industries savor comparatively few jobs for the unskilled or semiskilled, just the class of workers whose jobs are being eliminated by automation.[3]

Shortly afterward, the economy began a prolonged expansion that raised incomes and created millions of new jobs. By 1968, the unemployment rate fell to 3.4 percent.

Lump of Labor Fallacy

Fears of mass technological unemployment are predicated on a “lump of labor” model of the economy—the credence the economy needs a roughly fixed amount of toil performed.[4] In this economic model, machines automating toil formerly done by people reduce the total amount of toil remaining for humans, reducing total employment. Keynes forecast an impending crossroad of unwanted leisure. He suggested future societies would establish three-hour workdays to give everyone enough toil to avoid boredom.[5]

Almost sum economists reject this model today. Economists savor institute that an almost unlimited amount of potential toil exists in the economy because people’s material desires continue to expand. Virtually sum Americans today savor material animate standards vastly better than the wealthy of 1900. Nonetheless, most Americans today would purchase additional goods and services if they received a raise or bonus.

Automation does reduce the human labor needed to submit particular goods and services, but it too reduces production costs. Competition forces firms to pass these savings on to their customers through lower prices. These lower prices lead consumers to buy more of the now less-expensive product and leave them with more money to spend elsewhere, increasing the require for labor in those sectors of the economy. The amount of toil in the economy expands to employ the available labor supply.

Economists strongly harmonize on this point. The University of Chicago recently asked a panel of prominent economists whether they harmonize that “advancing automation has not historically reduced employment in the United States.” Over three-fourths expressly agreed with that statement, and only one of the economists disagreed.[6]

America’s economic history illustrates how technology reallocates—but does not eliminate—human labor. In 1910, approximately one-third of sum Americans worked on farms,[7] food was expensive, and the typical family spent almost half its budget on food. By 1960, technological advances such as the tractor had reduced the symmetry of Americans working on farms to well under one-tenth.[8] This transition did not lead to mass unemployment. Instead, former farmhands began working in offices and factories. They enjoyed less expensive food and newly available manufactured goods.[9]

Since then the manufacturing sector has too institute new ways to automate tasks. Between 1960 and 2014, the symmetry of Americans working in factories fell by two-thirds even as output dramatically increased.[10] Former manufacturing workers moved into the service sector. They enjoyed even more affordable food, less expensive manufactured goods, and newly available services. As of 2003 the medium family spent just one-eighth of its budget on food.[11]

Greater animate Standards

Technological progress enables employees to submit vastly more goods and services with their labor. This increases their compensation because competitive labor markets compel employers to pay employees proportionately to their productivity. Technological advances would only reduce aggregate employment if Americans stopped spending their increased earnings on new goods and services—something that has yet to happen.

 

Chart 1 illustrates this, showing medium U.S. hourly labor productivity between 1973 and 2014. Over this period, technological advances enabled employees’ medium hourly productivity to enlarge by 108 percent. During that time period, the medium hourly compensation of American employees increased almost as much—85 percent.[12] Chart 1 too shows the employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers (25-year-olds to 54-year-olds).[13] The huge enlarge in automation and technology had slight effect on employment rates. Instead, employers institute jobs for the millions of women who entered the labor obligate in the 1970s and 1980s. Historically, technological progress has increased wages with slight effect on total employment.

Is This Time Different?

In the aftermath of the considerable Recession, fears about automation savor resurfaced. Most notably, MIT Professors Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee savor raised these concerns. They and likeminded economists worry that advances in computer technology touch this time may live different. They believe technological advances will enable computers to eradicate most of the workforce. McAfee argues:

When I descry what computers and robots can carry out perquisite now, I project that forward for two, three more generations, I deem we’re going to find ourselves in a world where the toil as they currently deem about it is largely done by machines.[14]

In particular, McAfee and Brynjolfsson worry about automation eliminating the jobs of unskilled and middle-skill employees. They harmonize technological progress creates opportunities for highly skilled employees who build and operate machines, but they awe that the economy will hold far fewer opportunities for less-skilled employees. As Brynjolfsson puts it:

There are lots of examples of routine, middle-skilled jobs that involve relatively structured tasks and those are the jobs that are being eliminated the fastest. Those kinds of jobs are easier for their friends in the synthetic intelligence community to design robots to wield them.… [Technological advances are] always destroying jobs. But perquisite now the pace is accelerating. It’s faster they deem than ever before in history. So as a consequence, they are not creating jobs at the identical pace that they necessity to.[15]

Labor market statistics carry out not support this concern. Productivity data clarify that the pace of automation has actually slowed in recent years. Over the past generation the earnings of less-skilled Americans savor risen faster than the economy-wide average.

Slow Productivity Growth. Businesses carry out not loom to live automating human tasks at a faster rate than before. If they were, this would enlarge measured labor productivity growth. The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates productivity by dividing U.S. economic output by the total hours worked in the economy. A substantial enlarge in the pace of automation would allow businesses to submit as many or more goods with fewer hours of human labor. This would loom in the labor statistics as faster productivity growth.

 

This has not happened. Chart 2 shows the year-over-year percent change in labor productivity for the non-farm trade sector over the past four decades, as well as a four-year poignant medium that smooths annual fluctuations. Productivity growth increased noticeably in the late 1990s and the early 2000s. From 2003 onward, however, productivity growth trended downward. medium productivity jumped in 2009 as businesses going through layoffs tried to lay off their least productive employees. That surge immediately subsided. Since 2010, productivity has grown at an abnormally behind rate. In the most recent year of data, labor productivity actually fell 0.1 percent. Although employees are more productive now than in the past, overall productivity is increasing more slowly.

Concerns about rapidly accelerating computing power increasing productivity so much it reduces total employment are fears about a future possibility. Over the past decade, productivity growth has slowed even as computer power has increased exponentially.

The Earnings of Less-Skilled Employees Increase. Concerns about automation eliminating employment opportunities for less-skilled employees too carry out not clarify up in the data. Over the past generation their total compensation has increased rapidly.

The Congressional Budget Office measures total labor market compensation—cash wages, salaries, and non-cash benefits, such as health confidence and retirement contributions—for each quintile of the income distribution.[16] Chart 3 shows the percent growth in total inflation-adjusted labor compensation for non-elderly childless households between 1979 and 2011 (the most recent data available).[17]

 

Since 1979, labor market compensation grew the fastest in the top quintile of these households—up 69 percent. ornery to well-liked impression, the next fastest growth in labor market compensation occurred in the bottom quintile. The medium labor market compensation of households in the bottom fifth of non-elderly childless households grew 58 percent between 1979 and 2011—more than 25 percentage points faster than any of the middle three quintiles.

Chart 4 shows a similar dynamic at work. It comes from the research of MIT economist David Autor. The chart depicts income growth for the 10 major occupational groupings in the U.S. economy, with those occupations ranked from left to perquisite by the required even of skills. This motif looks only at wages, not total household compensation. Consequently, it is not directly comparable with Chart 3. Nonetheless, it shows the identical pattern of the fastest earnings growth occurring in high-skill and low-skill occupations, with slower wage growth in moderately skilled jobs.

 

Over the past generation, individuals at the bottom of the income distribution savor seen their economic opportunities expand significantly. This is difficult to reconcile with hypotheses that automation is eliminating the least-skilled employees’ jobs. Instead, it points to more complicated effects of technological progress on the labor market.

Limits of Automation

Computers savor both more and less power than most people perceive. Autor explains that machines are incredibly favorable at doing repetitive tasks that carry out not require any judgment or variation, such as calculating sums in an accounting spreadsheet or fitting a bolt in dwelling on the assembly line. Computers typically carry out these tasks faster and more accurately than humans can. Employment has fallen rapidly in such “routine” occupations as automation has replaced human labor.

However, computers savor considerable vicissitude performing non-routine tasks. Although more fluid algorithms that hold into account computer “learning” possibilities are being refined, computers quiet carry out what their program tells them to—and nothing else. Computer programmers must specify in detail every contingency that the machine might encounter. What often looks fancy computers adapting to their surroundings is in fact them following very circumstantial operating instructions.[18]

Consequently, computers cannot wield many non-routine activities that most people find straightforward. They are simply too complicated for their programs to account for every possibility. For example, Autor points out that Amazon.com and other online retailers employ human “pickers” to identify, retrieve, and pack the goods that they ship their customers. The shape and size of goods being shipped changes constantly from package to package. Amazon has not been able to develop robots that can effect these seemingly simple but not entirely routine tasks. Instead, online retailers employ big numbers of robots to bring palettes of particular goods to their human employees. Humans carry out sum the labor involved in handling individual items, then the robots drag the palettes away.[19]

Even some of the distinct successes of automation are far less than they appear. Google’s advances in self-driving automobile technology savor made headlines. However, the Google Car operates by comparing its location to very circumstantial maps of the road, street signs, and sum known obstacles. Google employees must enter these data manually. The Google Car cannot operate over unfamiliar terrain. If it faces an unmapped road closure or detour, it shuts down and requires a human driver to hold over. It will ignore newly erected stoplights not in its database. Google Cars savor safely driven more than 700,000 miles—by driving over the identical already mapped miles time and time again.[20] Computers can carry out routine tasks incredibly well, but struggle when confronted with non-routine work.

Labor Market Polarization

Autor’s research shows that this dynamic explains the counterintuitive pattern of compensation growth shown in Charts 3 and 4. Computers savor automated many routine white collar and blue collar jobs. outstrip spreadsheets and Outlook calendars savor dramatically reduced the necessity for accountant and secretarial labor. Machines now carry out the toil that was once performed by millions of manufacturing employees. These routine jobs mind to prevaricate in the middle of the skill and income distribution. Non-routine tasks mind to prevaricate at the top and bottom of the income distribution. As a result, employment require and, consequently, earnings savor risen more rapidly in non-routine jobs, particularly in the service sector.[21]

 

Chart 5, reproduced from David Autor’s research, illustrates how increased automation has affected employment patterns. Since the late 1970s, employment has grown rapidly in high-skilled non-routine jobs, such as professional and technical occupations. It has grown rapidly in low-skill non-routine jobs, such as food preparation and personal care. Yet employment has grown more slowly—or contracted—in routine occupations requiring moderate skill levels, such as manufacturing or administrative record-keeping jobs. These are precisely the jobs that machines can perform.

Many on the left blame the slower growth of middle-income jobs on U.S. policies. They point in particular to insufficiently pro-union labor laws.[22] However, Autor’s research shows that this is a global phenomenon. Relative employment in middle-skill jobs has shrunk in nearly every developed country. Chart 6 comes from Autor’s research and shows changes in low-skill, middle-skill, and high-skill employment for 16 European Union countries between 1993 and 2010. In almost every country, relative employment increased in high-skill and low-skill jobs and decreased in middle-skill jobs. Most of these EU nations savor far higher taxes and far stronger unions than the U.S. does. Nonetheless, they experienced the identical employment patterns. This evidence points to factors, such as technological advances and globalization, that Cut across national boundaries and public policy choices. Robots savor not eliminated work, but they savor by far changed the types of jobs that humans do.

 

Technology Can enlarge the necessity for Human Labor

The relationship between technological progress and jobs is more complicated than computers simply eliminating routine work. Many jobs incorporate both routine and non-routine tasks. Employees in these jobs carry out not necessarily necessity to awe automation. By eliminating routine tasks technological advances reduce the time and cost of completing their work. This increases output and can leave the overall necessity for human labor unchanged or even increased.

The construction industry demonstrates this effect. Technology has made today’s construction workers vastly more productive than their predecessors two generations ago. Cranes and backhoes savor replaced shovels and elbow grease, but those machines necessity human operators. Too many unpredictable events hold dwelling on a construction site to allow computers to operate the gear autonomously. The lower cost of constructing buildings has too dramatically increased the quantity of construction toil demanded. As a result, total construction employment has remained a relatively constant partake of the overall workforce since the mid-1940s. From 1946 onward, construction employment has never constituted less than 4 percent or more than 6 percent of the U.S. workforce, despite tremendous technological progress.

A more modern illustration of this phenomenon comes from restaurant tablets. Applebee’s, Chili’s, and other casual restaurants savor installed tabletop tablets for customers to order and pay for their food. The new technology might reduce payrolls by allowing each server to cover more tables. However, the tablets too boost sales. Customers are more likely to order appetizers and desserts when the tablets constantly panoply them. The ability to pay immediately too cuts the medium meal time by about five minutes. Consequently, tablet-equipped restaurants can serve more patrons during sedulous periods. This increases require for employees who cook the food to order, appetizingly plate it, interact with customers, and bus the tables afterward.[23]

Whether or not these tablets will reduce the total necessity for human labor remains unclear. Applebee’s announced that it has not reduced total staffing since introducing the tablets.[24] Furthermore, tablets too enlarge tips by setting the default option to 20 percent, boosting servers’ take-home pay. Automation will change—but not eliminate—many jobs that combine routine and non-routine tasks.

Future Developments

Historical experience shows that individuals respond to technological changes by finding new jobs, typically jobs that pay more than before automation was introduced. However, technology will probably eradicate some existing occupations. Programmers will almost certainly learn how to render “routine” many tasks computers cannot currently handle. Many jobs that once appeared out of gain for automation are now being performed by machines:

  • Cleaning hotel rooms has long required human labor, supplemented by technology such as vacuum cleaners and washing machines. The tasks of making a bed or removing foul laundry from the floor were sufficiently non-routine to thwart attempts to automate them. However, a soon-to-open Japanese hotel will employ robots to effect reception duties, carry luggage, and clean rooms. The hotel will impregnate $60 a night.[25]
  • Engineers savor invented a machine that cooks 360 gourmet hamburgers an hour. The Alpha custom grills hamburger patties to order, sears the outside to maximize flavor, and cooks them in an internal oven. It then adds freshly sliced toppings and the desired condiments, places the cooked burger in a bun, and bags it. Humans only stock the ingredients and effect maintenance. The Alpha could save the typical expeditiously food restaurant more than $100,000 per year in labor costs. The inventors are currently prototyping it at individual restaurants.[26]
  • Computers savor begun writing routine tidings articles. Many events occur with slight variation in the structure needed to report on them, such as economic tidings releases and sports events. Computer algorithms now resolve pertinent information for readers and translate it into prose. For example, Forbes.com uses such algorithms to summarize corporate earnings announcements. Computers cannot wield more complicated stories and are unlikely to develop that ability, but they can summarize regularly recurring events well.[27]
  • IBM’s Watson computer is so sophisticated that it can detect correlations among research papers that human researchers savor yet to discover. For example, in the territory of cancer research, Watson analyzed more than 70,000 academic articles in 2014, leading to the discovery of six proteins that should live targeted for new research. One scientist noted that Watson made connections that he would savor needed 38 years to create and only by reading five academic papers per day.[28] By making these types of groundbreaking causal links, Watson has demonstrated a marked technological advancement. However, it represents technology’s ability to find connections quicker than humans, not an ability to generate original research and new ideas.
  • Technological advancements fancy these will reshape the pass that millions of employees carry out their jobs. Some jobs will disappear, but new tasks—primarily non-routine tasks—will supersede jobs that savor been automated. Such changes carry out not betide instantaneously, and most people will savor time to adapt. Those who cannot reconcile could live hurt, but automation will lower prices and raise animate standards in the economy overall. Most Americans will prosper as a result.

    Responding to Technological Innovation

    Technological innovation will continue. Policymakers should respond to these challenges by promoting policies that create it easier for Americans to find new jobs.

    For example, one-third of jobs in the economy require a government license.[29] In some occupations this makes sense. Few customers would want an untrained pharmacist filling their prescription. Yet in many other occupations public safety does not require stringent licensing; it primarily exists to restrict access to a profession. For example, every condition licenses barbers, requiring an medium of more than a year of training before prospective barbers can Cut hair.[30] These requirements savor no obvious safety rationale: A sinful haircut threatens no one’s life. Such unreasonable licensing makes it difficult for employees who lose their jobs to automation to switch occupations. condition legislatures should restrict mandatory licensing to occupations with grave health and safety considerations. Potential cosmetologists, florists, interior designers, bartenders, and drywall installers should not necessity the government’s permission to change careers. Reducing these synthetic barriers would create it easier for employees to reconcile in a changing economy.

    State and federal policymakers can too create it easier for employees to switch jobs by eliminating unnecessary paper credentials for government positions. The K–12 education system is a big employer and continues to employ paper credentials, such as master’s degrees, to structure compensation and determine access to the classroom. States should create it easier to enter the classroom by removing barriers to entry such as teacher certification requirements, but evaluate teachers more rigorously once they are in the classroom.

    Education Reforms

    Beyond helping individuals switch jobs, policymakers should reform the education system to palliate tomorrow’s employees gain the skills necessary to toil in higher-paying non-routine jobs. Policymakers can carry out this in several ways.

    States should drag toward competency-based learning for both K–12 and higher education. Competency-based learning enables students to progress in their education as soon as they can demonstrate content mastery, instead of using seat time as a proxy for learning. It too enables students with professional experience or training to test out of courses and expedite their entry into the workforce.

    Public policy reforms are needed to allow innovation to brandish in elevated schools, colleges, and career and technical fields. One of the keys to unlocking innovation is to score the federal government out of the higher education accreditation trade and to hand that responsibility back to the market. The current regulatory barriers create it prohibitively expensive for most potential new education institutions to drill students. To foster a competitive marketplace of higher education content providers—be it academic or career-technical—federal policymakers should free the higher education regulatory environment so that businesses, industry, nonprofits, and colleges and universities can deliver content to prospective students from sum walks of life to give them the skills needed to live successful in an ever-changing economy.

    Specifically, Congress should decouple federal financing (federal student loans and grants) from accreditation and enable states to allow any entity to accredit and credential courses. Senator Mike Lee (R–UT) and Representative Ron DeSantis (R–FL) savor introduced companion proposals known as the Higher Education Reform and chance Act (H.R. 1287 and S. 649), which would allow states to determine who can accredit and credential courses and, importantly, would allow individual courses to live credentialed. Reforms to remove the “gatekeeper” role of accreditation could too live achieved by amending the Higher Education Act to decouple federal financing from accreditation. As Senator Lee explains:

    [A]ccreditation could too live available to specialized programs, individual courses, apprenticeships, professional credentialing, and even competency-based tests. States could accredit online courses, or hybrid models with elements on- and off-campus… businesses, and trade groups could start to accredit courses and programs tailored to their evolving needs. Churches and charities could enlist qualified volunteers to proffer accredited classes and training for next to nothing.[31]

    The current regulatory system stifles innovation and makes it harder for individuals outside the traditional college demographic to improve their skills. Such reforms would create higher education less bureaucratic and more responsive to individual’s needs.

    Conclusion

    Automation reduces both labor costs and prices. Lower prices leave customers with more money to spend elsewhere, increasing the require for labor elsewhere in the economy. Automation changes where and how people work, but it has not historically reduced the overall necessity for human employees.

    Little empirical evidence suggests this time is different. Productivity growth slowed over the past decade after increasing in the late 1990s. The wages of the lowest-earning employees savor too increased rapidly over the past generation. Instead of eliminating human labor, technological advances are reducing the necessity for humans in routine jobs and increasing the necessity in non-routine jobs. This pattern has occurred in America and around the world.

    Policymakers should respond to these changes by making it easier for displaced workers to switch jobs, such as by relaxing occupational licensing requirements and poignant toward policies that allow for a more facile K–12 and higher education system to flourish.

    —James Sherk is Research Fellow in Labor Economics in the focus for Data Analysis, of the Institute for Economic freedom and Opportunity, at The inheritance Foundation. Lindsey M. Burke is the Will Skillman Fellow in Education Policy in the Institute for Family, Community, and chance at The inheritance Foundation.


    America's Next Quest for Domination | killexams.com actual questions and Pass4sure dumps

    It's 2025 and an American "triple canopy" of advanced surveillance and armed drones fills the heavens from the lower- to the exo-atmosphere. A sensation of the modern age, it can deliver its weaponry anywhere on the planet with staggering speed, knock out an enemy's satellite communications system, or supervene individuals biometrically for considerable distances. Along with the country's advanced cyberwar capacity, it's too the most sophisticated militarized information system ever created and an insurance policy for U.S. global dominion deep into the twenty-first century. It's the future as the Pentagon imagines it; it's under development; and Americans know nothing about it.

    They are quiet operating in another age. "Our Navy is smaller now than at any time since 1917," complained Republican candidate Mitt Romney during the eventual presidential debate.

    With words of withering mockery, President Obama shot back: "Well, Governor, they too savor fewer horses and bayonets, because the nature of their military's changed... the question is not a game of Battleship, where we're counting ships. It's what are their capabilities."

    Obama later offered just a hint of what those capabilities might be: "What I did was toil with their joint chiefs of staff to deem about, what are they going to necessity in the future to create positive that they are safe?... They necessity to live thinking about cyber security. They necessity to live talking about space."

    Amid sum the post-debate media chatter, however, not a lone commentator seemed to savor a clue when it came to the profound strategic changes encoded in the president's sparse words. Yet for the past four years, working in silence and secrecy, the Obama administration has presided over a technological revolution in defense planning, poignant the nation far beyond bayonets and battleships to cyberwarfare and the full-scale weaponization of space. In the pan of waning economic influence, this bold new breakthrough in what's called "information warfare" may prove significantly responsible should U.S. global dominion quasi continue far into the twenty-first century.

    While the technological changes involved are nothing less than revolutionary, they savor deep historical roots in a distinctive style of American global power. It's been evident from the flash this nation first stepped onto the world stage with its conquest of the Philippines in 1898. Over the span of a century, plunged into three Asian crucibles of counterinsurgency -- in the Philippines, Vietnam, and Afghanistan -- the U.S. military has repeatedly been pushed to the breaking point. It has repeatedly responded by fusing the nation's most advanced technologies into new information infrastructures of unprecedented power.

    That military first created a manual information regime for Philippine pacification, then a computerized apparatus to fight communist guerrillas in Vietnam. Finally, during its decade-plus in Afghanistan (and its years in Iraq), the Pentagon has begun to fuse biometrics, cyberwarfare, and a potential future triple canopy aerospace shield into a robotic information regime that could submit a platform of unprecedented power for the exercise of global dominion -- or for future military disaster.

    America's First Information Revolution

    This distinctive U.S. system of imperial information gathering (and the surveillance and war-making practices that disappear with it) traces its origins to some brilliant American innovations in the management of textual, statistical, and visual data. Their sum was nothing less than a new information infrastructure with an unprecedented capacity for mass surveillance.

    During two extraordinary decades, American inventions fancy Thomas Alva Edison's quadruplex telegraph (1874), Philo Remington's commercial typewriter (1874), Melvil Dewey's library decimal system (1876), and Herman Hollerith's patented punch card (1889) created synergies that led to the militarized application of America's first information revolution. To conciliate a determined guerrilla resistance that persisted in the Philippines for a decade after 1898, the U.S. colonial regime -- unlike European empires with their cultural studies of "Oriental civilizations" -- used these advanced information technologies to amass circumstantial empirical data on Philippine society. In this way, they forged an Argus-eyed security apparatus that played a major role in crushing the Filipino nationalist movement. The resulting colonial policing and surveillance system would too leave a lasting institutional imprint on the emerging American state.

    When the U.S. entered World War I in 1917, the "father of U.S. military intelligence" Colonel Ralph Van Deman drew upon security methods he had developed years before in the Philippines to institute the Army's Military Intelligence Division. He recruited a staff that quickly grew from one (himself) to 1,700, deployed some 300,000 citizen-operatives to compile more than a million pages of surveillance reports on American citizens, and laid the foundations for a permanent domestic surveillance apparatus.

    A version of this system rose to unparalleled success during World War II when Washington established the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) as the nation's first worldwide espionage agency. Among its nine branches, Research & Analysis recruited a staff of nearly 2,000 academics who amassed 300,000 photographs, a million maps, and three million file cards, which they deployed in an information system via "indexing, cross-indexing, and counter-indexing" to retort countless tactical questions.

    Yet by early 1944, the OSS institute itself, in the words of historian Robin Winks, "drowning under the rush of information." Many of the materials it had so carefully collected were left to molder in storage, unread and unprocessed. Despite its ambitious global reach, this first U.S. information regime, absent technological change, might well savor collapsed under its own weight, slowing the rush of quaint intelligence that would prove so crucial for America's exercise of global dominion after World War II.

    Computerizing Vietnam

    Under the pressures of a never-ending war in Vietnam, those running the U.S. information infrastructure turned to computerized data management, launching a second American information regime. Powered by the most advanced IBM mainframe computers, the U.S. military compiled monthly tabulations of security in sum of South Vietnam's 12,000 villages and filed the three million enemy documents its soldiers captured annually on giant reels of bar-coded film. At the identical time, the CIA collated and computerized diverse data on the communist civilian infrastructure as allotment of its infamous Phoenix Program. This, in turn, became the basis for its systematic tortures and 41,000 "extra-judicial executions" (which, based on disinformation from petty local grudges and communist counterintelligence, killed many but failed to capture more than a handfull of top communist cadres).

    Most ambitiously, the U.S. Air obligate spent $800 million a year to lace southern Laos with a network of 20,000 acoustic, seismic, thermal, and ammonia-sensitive sensors to pinpoint Hanoi's truck convoys coming down the Ho Chi Minh Trail under a hefty jungle canopy. The information these provided was then gathered on computerized systems for the targeting of incessant bombing runs. After 100,000 North Vietnamese troops passed perquisite through this electronic grid undetected with trucks, tanks, and hefty artillery to launch the Nguyen Hue offensive in 1972, the U.S. Pacific Air obligate pronounced this bold attempt to build an "electronic battlefield" an unqualified failure.

    In this pressure cooker of what became history's largest air war, the Air obligate too accelerated the transformation of a new information system that would ascend to significance three decades later: the Firebee target drone. By war's end, it had morphed into an increasingly agile unmanned aircraft that would create 3,500 top-secret surveillance sorties over China, North Vietnam, and Laos. By 1972, the SC/TV drone, with a camera in its nose, was capable of flying 2,400 miles while navigating via a low-resolution television image.

    On balance, sum this computerized data helped foster the illusion that American "pacification" programs in the countryside were winning over the inhabitants of Vietnam's villages, and the delusion that the air war was successfully destroying North Vietnam's supply effort. Despite a dismal succession of short-term failures that helped deliver a soul-searing blow to American power, sum this computerized data-gathering proved a seminal experiment, even if its advances would not become evident for another 30 years until the U.S. began creating a third -- robotic -- information regime.

    The Global War on Terror

    As it institute itself at the edge of rout in the attempted pacification of two complicated societies, Afghanistan and Iraq, Washington responded in allotment by adapting new technologies of electronic surveillance, biometric identification, and drone warfare -- sum of which are now melding into what may become an information regime far more powerful and destructive than anything that has gain before.

    After six years of a failing counterinsurgency effort in Iraq, the Pentagon discovered the power of biometric identification and electronic surveillance to conciliate the country's sprawling cities. It then built a biometric database with more than a million Iraqi fingerprints and iris scans that U.S. patrols on the streets of Baghdad could access instantaneously by satellite link to a computer focus in West Virginia.

    When President Obama took office and launched his "surge," escalating the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan, that country became a new frontier for testing and perfecting such biometric databases, as well as for full-scale drone war in both that country and the Pakistani tribal borderlands, the latest wrinkle in a technowar already loosed by the Bush administration. This meant accelerating technological developments in drone warfare that had largely been suspended for two decades after the Vietnam War.

    Launched as an experimental, unarmed surveillance aircraft in 1994, the Predator drone was first deployed in 2000 for combat surveillance under the CIA's "Operation Afghan Eyes." By 2011, the advanced MQ-9 Reaper drone, with "persistent hunter killer" capabilities, was heavily armed with missiles and bombs as well as sensors that could read disturbed dirt at 5,000 feet and track footprints back to enemy installations. Indicating the torrid pace of drone development, between 2004 and 2010 total flying time for sum unmanned vehicles rose from just 71 hours to 250,000 hours.

    By 2009, the Air obligate and the CIA were already deploying a drone armada of at least 195 Predators and 28 Reapers inside Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan -- and it's only grown since. These collected and transmitted 16,000 hours of video daily, and from 2006-2012 fired hundreds of Hellfire missiles that killed an estimated 2,600 putative insurgents inside Pakistan's tribal areas. Though the second-generation Reaper drones might seem stunningly sophisticated, one defense analyst has called them "very much Model T Fords." Beyond the battlefield, there are now some 7,000 drones in the U.S. armada of unmanned aircraft, including 800 larger missile-firing drones. By funding its own fleet of 35 drones and borrowing others from the Air Force, the CIA has moved beyond passive intelligence collection to build a permanent robotic paramilitary capacity.

    In the identical years, another configuration of information warfare came, quite literally, online. Over two administrations, there has been continuity in the evolution of a cyberwarfare capability at home and abroad. Starting in 2002, President George W. Bush illegally authorized the National Security Agency to scan countless millions of electronic messages with its top-secret "Pinwale" database. Similarly, the FBI started an Investigative Data Warehouse that, by 2009, held a billion individual records.

    Under Presidents Bush and Obama, defensive digital surveillance has grown into an offensive "cyberwarfare" capacity, which has already been deployed against Iran in history's first significant cyberwar. In 2009, the Pentagon formed U.S. Cyber Command (CYBERCOM), with headquarters at Ft. Meade, Maryland, and a cyberwarfare focus at Lackland Air ground in Texas, staffed by 7,000 Air obligate employees. Two years later, it declared cyberspace an "operational domain" fancy air, land, or sea, and began putting its energy into developing a cadre of cyber-warriors capable of launching offensive operations, such as a variety of attacks on the computerized centrifuges in Iran's nuclear facilities and Middle Eastern banks handling Iranian money.

    A Robotic Information Regime

    As with the Philippine Insurrection and the Vietnam War, the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan savor served as the yeast for a new information regime, fusing aerospace, cyberspace, biometrics, and robotics into an apparatus of potentially unprecedented power. In 2012, after years of ground warfare in both countries and the continuous expansion of the Pentagon budget, the Obama administration announced a leaner future defense strategy. It included a 14% Cut in future infantry energy to live compensated for by an increased accent on investments in the dominions of outer space and cyberspace, particularly in what the administration calls "critical space-based capabilities."

    By 2020, this new defense architecture should theoretically live able to integrate space, cyberspace, and terrestrial combat through robotics for -- so the claims disappear -- the delivery of seamless information for lethal action. Significantly, both space and cyberspace are new, unregulated domains of military conflict, largely beyond international law. And Washington hopes to employ both, without limitation, as Archimedean levers to exercise new forms of global dominion far into the twenty-first century, just as the British Empire once ruled from the seas and the unruffled War American imperium exercised its global gain via airpower.

    As Washington seeks to surveil the globe from space, the world might well ask: Just how elevated is national sovereignty? Absent any international agreement about the plumb extent of sovereign airspace (since a conference on international air law, convened in Paris in 1910, failed), some puckish Pentagon attorney might reply: only as elevated as you can invoke it. And Washington has filled this legal void with a covert executive matrix -- operated by the CIA and the clandestine Special Operations Command -- that assigns names arbitrarily, without any judicial oversight, to a classified "kill list" that means silent, sudden death from the sky for terror suspects across the Muslim world.

    Although U.S. plans for space warfare remain highly classified, it is practicable to assemble the pieces of this aerospace mystify by trolling the Pentagon's websites, and finding many of the key components in technical descriptions at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA). As early as 2020, the Pentagon hopes to patrol the entire globe ceaselessly, relentlessly via a triple canopy space shield reaching from stratosphere to exosphere, driven by drones armed with agile missiles, linked by a resilient modular satellite system, monitored through a telescopic panopticon, and operated by robotic controls.

    At the lowest tier of this emerging U.S. aerospace shield, within striking distance of Earth in the lower stratosphere, the Pentagon is building an armada of 99 Global Hawk drones equipped with high-resolution cameras capable of surveilling sum terrain within a 100-mile radius, electronic sensors to intercept communications, efficient engines for continuous 24-hour flights, and eventually Triple Terminator missiles to raze targets below. By late 2011, the Air obligate and the CIA had already ringed the Eurasian land mass with a network of 60 bases for drones armed with Hellfire missiles and GBU-30 bombs, allowing air strikes against targets just about anywhere in Europe, Africa, or Asia.

    The sophistication of the technology at this even was exposed in December 2011 when one of the CIA's RQ-170 Sentinels came down in Iran. Revealed was a bat-winged drone equipped with radar-evading stealth capacity, vigorous electronically scanned array radar, and advanced optics "that allow operators to positively identify terror suspects from tens of thousands of feet in the air."

    If things disappear according to plan, in this identical lower tier at altitudes up to 12 miles unmanned aircraft such as the "Vulture," with solar panels covering its massive 400-foot wingspan, will live patrolling the globe ceaselessly for up to five years at a time with sensors for "unblinking" surveillance, and possibly missiles for lethal strikes. Establishing the viability of this new technology, NASA's solar-powered aircraft Pathfinder, with a 100-foot wingspan, reached an altitude of 71,500 feet altitude in 1997, and its fourth-generation successor the "Helios" flew at 97,000 feet with a 247-foot wingspan in 2001, two miles higher than any previous aircraft.

    For the next tier above the Earth, in the upper stratosphere, DARPA and the Air obligate are collaborating in the evolution of the Falcon Hypersonic Cruise Vehicle. Flying at an altitude of 20 miles, it is expected to "deliver 12,000 pounds of payload at a distance of 9,000 nautical miles from the continental United States in less than two hours." Although the first test launches in April 2010 and August 2011 crashed midflight, they did gain an fabulous 13,000 miles per hour, 22 times the speed of sound, and sent back "unique data" that should palliate resolve remaining aerodynamic problems.

    At the outer even of this triple-tier aerospace canopy, the age of space warfare dawned in April 2010 when the Pentagon quietly launched the X-37B space drone, an unmanned craft just 29 feet long, into an orbit 250 miles above the Earth. By the time its second prototype landed at Vandenberg Air obligate ground in June 2012 after a 15-month flight, this classified mission represented a successful test of "robotically controlled reusable spacecraft" and established the viability of unmanned space drones in the exosphere.

    At this apex of the triple canopy, 200 miles above Earth where the space drones will soon roam, orbital satellites are the prime targets, a vulnerability that became obvious in 2007 when China used a ground-to-air missile to shoot down one of its own satellites. In response, the Pentagon is now developing the F-6 satellite system that will "decompose a big monolithic spacecraft into a group of wirelessly linked elements, or nodes [that increases] resistance to... a sinful allotment breaking or an adversary attacking." And preserve in mind that the X-37B has a capacious cargo bay to carry missiles or future laser weaponry to knock out enemy satellites -- in other words, the potential capability to cripple the communications of a future military emulate fancy China, which will savor its own global satellite system operational by 2020.

    Ultimately, the repercussion of this third information regime will live shaped by the ability of the U.S. military to integrate its array of global aerospace weaponry into a robotic command structure that would live capable of coordinating operations across sum combat domains: space, cyberspace, sky, sea, and land. To manage the surging torrent of information within this delicately balanced triple canopy, the system would, in the end, savor to become self-maintaining through "robotic manipulator technologies," such as the Pentagon's FREND system that someday could potentially deliver fuel, provide repairs, or reposition satellites.

    For a new global optic, DARPA is building the wide-angle Space Surveillance Telescope (SST), which could live sited at bases ringing the globe for a quantum leap in "space surveillance." The system would allow future space warriors to descry the whole sky wrapped around the entire planet while seated before a lone screen, making it practicable to track every protest in Earth orbit.

    Operation of this complicated worldwide apparatus will require, as one DARPA official explained in 2007, "an integrated collection of space surveillance systems -- an architecture -- that is leak-proof." Thus, by 2010, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency had 16,000 employees, a $5 billion budget, and a massive $2 billion headquarters at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, with 8,500 staffers wrapped in electronic security -- sum aimed at coordinating the flood of surveillance data pouring in from Predators, Reapers, U-2 spy planes, Global Hawks, X-37B space drones, Google Earth, Space Surveillance Telescopes, and orbiting satellites. By 2020 or thereafter -- such a complicated techno-system is unlikely to respect schedules -- this triple canopy should live able to atomize a lone "terrorist" with a missile strike after tracking his eyeball, facial image, or heat signature for hundreds of miles through territory and favela, or blind an entire army by knocking out sum ground communications, avionics, and naval navigation.

    Technological Dominion or Techno-Disaster?

    Peering into the future, a quiet uncertain poise of forces offers two competing scenarios for the continuation of U.S. global power. If sum or much goes according to plan, sometime in the third decade of this century the Pentagon will complete a comprehensive global surveillance system for Earth, sky, and space using robotics to coordinate a veritable flood of data from biometric street-level monitoring, cyber-data mining, a worldwide network of Space Surveillance Telescopes, and triple canopy aeronautic patrols. Through agile data management of exceptional power, this system might allow the United States a veto of global lethality, an equalizer for any further loss of economic strength.

    However, as in Vietnam, history offers some pessimistic parallels when it comes to the U.S. preserving its global hegemony by militarized technology alone. Even if this robotic information regime could quasi check China's growing military power, the U.S. might quiet savor the identical haphazard of controlling wider geopolitical forces with aerospace technology as the Third Reich had of winning World War II with its "super weapons" -- V-2 rockets that rained death on London and Messerschmitt Me-262 jets that blasted allied bombers from Europe's skies. Complicating the future further, the illusion of information omniscience might dispose Washington to more military misadventures akin to Vietnam or Iraq, creating the possibility of yet more expensive, draining conflicts, from Iran to the South China Sea.

    If the future of America's world power is shaped by actual events rather than long-term economic trends, then its destiny might well live determined by which comes first in this century-long cycle: military debacle from the illusion of technological mastery, or a new technological regime powerful enough to perpetuate U.S. global dominion.


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