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REDMOND, Wash., June 21, 2004 — Microsoft enterprise options today introduced the provision of Microsoft industry solutions-remarkable Plains 8.0, a pass-industry fiscal management reply for midmarket aspect businesses. Microsoft wonderful Plains eight.0 will deliver more suitable usability; richer performance for distribution, manufacturing and job accounting; stronger capabilities through integrations with Microsoft industry options company Portal 2.5 and Microsoft office 2003; and superior analytics.

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centered in 1975, Microsoft (Nasdaq “MSFT”) is the international chief in application, capabilities and options that assist individuals and groups recognise their full capabilities.

Microsoft, tremendous Plains, Outlook, MapPoint, FRx and home windows are both registered logos or trademarks of Microsoft Corp., first rate Plains utility Inc., FRx utility Corp. or their affiliates within the u.s. and/or different countries.

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An Activist Stands Accused of Firing a Gun at Standing Rock. It Belonged to Her Lover — an FBI Informant. | true questions and Pass4sure dumps

As law enforcement officers advanced in a U-shaped sweep line down North Dakota Highway 1806 final October, pushing back Dakota Access opponents from a camp in the pipeline’s path, two sheriff’s deputies broke formation to tackle a 37-year-old Oglala Sioux woman named Red toady Fallis. As Fallis struggled under the weight of her arresting officers, who were attempting to do her in handcuffs, three gunshots allegedly went off alongside her. According to the arrest affidavit, deputies lunged toward her left hand and wrested a gun away from her.

Well before that moment, Fallis had been caught in a sprawling intelligence operation that sought to disrupt and discredit opponents of the pipeline. The Intercept has learned that the legal owner of the gun Fallis is alleged to endure fired was a paid FBI informant named Heath Harmon, a 46-year-old member of the Fort Berthold Reservation in western North Dakota. For at least two months, Harmon took Part in the daily life of DAPL resistance camps and gained access to movement participants, even becoming Fallis’s romantic confederate several weeks prior to the alleged shooting on October 27, 2016.

In an interview with agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives and the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation, a recording of which was obtained by The Intercept, Harmon reported that his work for the FBI involved monitoring the Standing Rock camps for evidence of “bomb-making materials, stuff fancy that.” Asked what he discovered, Harmon made no mention of protesters harboring risky weapons, but he acknowledged storing his own weapon in a trailer at the water protectors’ Rosebud Camp: the same .38 revolver Fallis is accused of firing.

Harmon spent the day of October 27 with Fallis and was nearby during her arrest. He continued to withhold his FBI affiliation from his then-girlfriend in phone conversations with her while she was being held at the Morton County jail in Mandan, North Dakota, records show. Investigators’ notes on those calls were distributed to the ATF, two local sheriff’s departments, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Bismarck, among others.

Federal prosecutors are charging Fallis with civil disorder, possession of a firearm by a convicted felon, and discharge of a firearm in relation to a felony crime of violence — perhaps the most sober charges levied against any water protector. If convicted of discharging the weapon, she faces a minimum of 10 years in prison and the possibility of a life sentence. She has pleaded not guilty.

Attorneys for Fallis quarrel their client was seized without probable antecedent while engaging in speech protected by the First Amendment, pointing to the account of one of her arresting officers that Fallis was shouting “water is life and you’re killing Mother Earth and stuff of that nature.” Drone footage appears to present her being tackled just minutes after arriving in the vicinity of the police line. In a hearing that concluded Monday, her lawyers challenged the admissibility of any property seized or statements Fallis made immediately after the incident, arguing they represent the products of an unconstitutional arrest. Defense attorneys declined to comment or design Fallis available for this story, citing her pending trial.

Drone footage from Oct. 27, 2016, shows Red toady Fallis driving an ATV alongside the highway, then parking and approaching the police line. Around the 3:35 minute mark, she breaks from the mob and walks parallel to law enforcement before being tackled and arrested.

As the struggle to limit the mining and burning of fossil fuels has developed into a potent force, indigenous activists fancy Fallis endure frequently been at the forefront. Documents and recordings reviewed for this memoir provide a window into federal law enforcement’s expend of counterterrorism tactics to target pipeline opponents based on the threat of “environmental rights extremism” — and reveal infiltration of the water protector movement as the latest chapter in the FBI’s long history of repression of indigenous political activism.

The intelligence operation targeting DAPL opponents was based at an emergency operations heart in Bismarck, as well as the North Dakota status and Local Intelligence Center, known as the SLIC, a fusion heart established to facilitate information sharing in the aftermath of 9/11. Although local law enforcement frequently served as the public mug of the operation, federal agents played a central role soon after the first civil disobedience actions kicked off in August 2016. By early September, the operations heart was hosting daily meetings involving representatives of the FBI, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the U.S. Marshals Service, and status and local police.

In his interview with the ATF and Bureau of Criminal Investigation on December 13, 2016, Harmon described how he came to be an FBI asset: He had reached out to his brother, a BIA police officer in North Dakota, to observe if he could wait on by “being an observer” of the protest movement. “He said he knew people and they would accumulate ahold of me,” Harmon stated. “That’s when the FBI contacted me. That’s the understanding why I was down there in the first place.” By August, Harmon was regularly visiting the Rosebud Camp, which is where he met Fallis, according to his interview. He said he helped the FBI verify the presence of specific “AIM members” at the camp, in reference to the American Indian Movement, and reported a vehicle carrying lockdown devices used by protesters to disrupt pipeline construction.

Red  toady Fallis smiles outside the Federal Courthouse in Bismarck, N.D., on Friday, Dec. 8, 2017. Fallis was in court for a hearing on charges related to protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline. (Tom Stromme /The Bismarck Tribune via AP)

Red toady Fallis appears outside the federal courthouse in Bismarck, N.D., on Dec. 8, 2017.

Photo: Tom Stromme /The Bismarck Tribune/AP

Fallis has a long history with indigenous movements, including AIM, according to Glenn Morris, an activist and scholar at the University of Colorado, Denver, who regards Fallis as a niece. Her mother, Troy Lynn Yellow Wood, worked with Morris and others to start the Colorado chapter of aim in the 1970s, and Fallis began attending marches in Denver when she was 5 or 6 years old, Morris said.

Founded at the height of the civil rights era, aim fought for pious liberty and the fulfillment of treaties the U.S. government signed with indigenous nations. Yellow Wood was Part of the organization’s struggle on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota. In that case, aim famously took up arms in 1973 and occupied the town of Wounded Knee — site of the U.S. 7th Calvary’s massacre of Lakota people in 1890 — as a present of opposition to a corrupt tribal government that was working behind the scenes to sell off lands affluent in uranium and other resources.

Harmon is Part of a different lineage. In his interview with law enforcement, he famed that his uncle Gerald Fox had been on the “other side” of the aim struggle at Pine Ridge. Fox was a BIA officer who stood off against aim during the 71-day occupation of Wounded Knee, alongside members of the U.S. Marshals Service and the FBI. According to a 2010 obituary in the Bismarck Tribune, Fox went on to combine a BIA special operations unit, and between 1976 and 1984 “was particular to every major autochthonous combat that happened in the United States.”

In the aftermath of the Pine Ridge standoff, the FBI looked the other route while a paramilitary organization known as the GOONs — whose leaders included members of the BIA tribal police obligate — carried out a multiyear campaign of extrajudicial killings and brutal physical assaults of aim members and supporters.

DENVER, CO -NOVEMBER 07: Family and friends of Denver  autochthonous American woman, arrested during pipeline protest in North Dakota, hold a press conference, at 4 Winds American Indian Council in Denver, to  present support, November 07, 2016. Red  toady Fallis remains in jail in North Dakota after being arrested. (Photo by RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post via Getty Images)

Family and friends of Red toady Fallis hold a tidings conference at the Four Winds American Indian Council in Denver on Nov. 7, 2016.

Photo: RJ Sangosti/The Denver Post/Getty Images

In recent years, as climate justice activists endure taken on pipelines, coal mining, hydro-fracking, and Arctic oil drilling, law enforcement agencies endure established formal collaborations with the oil and gas industry in the denomination of preventing threats to so-called faultfinding infrastructure, Jeff Monaghan, a Carleton University professor who studies the surveillance of social movements, told The Intercept. “That discourse has been the gateway for fusing the corporate energy sector and the national security apparatus in both the U.S. and Canada,” he said.

Sara Jumping Eagle, a physician on the Standing Rock Sioux reservation who was among the first DAPL opponents arrested in August, said the heavy-handed law enforcement response at Standing Rock was not altogether surprising. “There’s a long history of the U.S. labeling people who stand up as terrorists, so some of us figured they were gonna expend those same tactics against this movement as well,” she said.

Jumping Eagle was among some two dozen activists featured on an early blueprint for the intelligence operation at the North Dakota fusion center, a “links chart on leaders of the movement” obtained by The Intercept via public records request. The document mapped out connections between DAPL opponents purportedly affiliated with the Red Warrior and Sacred Stone camps, two of the main nerve centers of pipeline resistance on the Northern worthy plains. Nearly everyone on the chart is an indigenous person.

Fallis appeared on the diagram more than seven weeks prior to her October 27 arrest. She was listed under her Facebook profile name, Luta Wi Redfawn, alongside the allegation that she had purchased pepper spray at Scheels, a sporting goods chain with a store in Bismarck.

Cheyenne River Sioux tribal member Cody Hall, who served as a spokesperson for the Red Warrior Camp, furthermore featured prominently on the chart. On September 8, 2016, around the time the document was completed, Hall was pulled over by Highway Patrol officers who served him a warrant for two charges of misdemeanor trespass. Hall recalled a disproportionate number of officers on hand for his arrest.

After he was booked into the Morton County jail, Hall said two FBI agents attempted to interview him, but he asserted his privilege to remain silent. After a three-day stint in solitary confinement, he was released. “The flavor was “unsettling” and “completely over the top,” Hall told The Intercept. “They were treating me fancy I was the autochthonous Osama.”

A Dakota Access Pipeline protester is arrested and waiting transportation to the Morton County jail on Tuesday, Nov. 15, 2016, after a  big gathering of protesters tried to   screen a railroad crossing on  stale Highway 10 and County Road 82 west of Mandan, N.D. (Mike McCleary /The Bismarck Tribune via AP)

A Dakota Access pipeline opponent under arrest awaits transportation to the Morton County jail on Nov. 15, 2016, after protesters tried to screen a railroad crossing on stale Highway 10 and County Road 82 west of Mandan, N.D.

Photo: Mike McCleary/The Bismarck Tribune/AP

In addition to mapping out connections to the NoDAPL camps, the chart linked individuals to the hacker group Anonymous and the Black Lives Matter movement and even attempted to track romantic relationships among pipeline opponents.

Rana Karaya, a Chicago resident from the P’urhépecha tribe in Mexico, was listed as having a relationship with David Vlow Rodriguez, who had been “maced by DAPL security,” the document noted. After reviewing a section of the chart, Karaya labeled it “disgustingly intrusive.”

According to Monaghan, the links analysis reflects broader trends in the policing of domestic dissent. “Since 9/11, police endure more widely adopted surveillance practices to enable them to identify and disrupt protest actions,” he said. “And one technique has been the mapping of so-called persons of interest lists and then engaging in punitive, pre-emptive arrests or disruptions of people on those lists.”

Cecily Fong, public information officer for the SLIC fusion heart and the North Dakota Department of Emergency Services, provided a different explanation for the chart. “The primary purpose for the links chart was to attempt to identify any leaders in the protest camps that their law enforcement could approach to engage in diplomatic talks,” Fong told The Intercept. She said she was unable to find a concrete illustration of the chart being used for diplomatic purposes and directed The Intercept to the Morton County Sheriff’s Department, which similarly failed to provide such an example.


A “links chart on leaders of the movement,” developed by the North Dakota fusion heart in early September 2016, maps pipeline opponents’ purported connections to the Red Warrior and Sacred Stone camps, as well as Anonymous and Black Lives Matter.

Source: North Dakota status and Local Intelligence Center

Emails and reports documenting intelligence collection on pipeline opponents, which The Intercept obtained through records requests, present a heightened focus on the threat of “environmental rights extremist violence,” while revealing a broader application on the Part of law enforcement to hold digital tabs on activists.

In an October 2016 email to federal, state, and local law enforcement, a Bismarck police officer relayed information from a North Dakota patrol sergeant about “AIM propaganda” on Facebook. “Free Peltier” stickers appeared in the posts of an individual believed to be a longtime aim member, the sergeant noted, in reference to aim activist Leonard Peltier, who was imprisoned for killing two FBI agents during a 1975 shootout on Pine Ridge, in what indigenous activists and human rights groups endure labeled a wrongful conviction. Another purported member appeared to be “pro-violence,” the sergeant warned.

The message was Part of a shared thread among law enforcement representatives affiliated with the emergency operations heart who referred to themselves as the “intel group,” monitoring the DAPL protests in true time. Additional emails concerning Standing Rock operations plans were sent to multiple Department of Homeland Security and FBI addresses, including that of E.K. Wilson, a special agent with the FBI’s Minneapolis office. According to press reports, Wilson was previously the supervisory special agent for one of the FBI’s largest domestic counterterrorism operations since 9/11: a probe of the Shabab militant group’s recruitment of Somali-Americans.

Michael German, a former FBI special agent who is now a fellow at unusual York University’s Brennan heart for Justice, notes the concept of environmental extremism originated as Part of the broader war on terror and is based on a model of radicalization that argues that people who develop ideas the FBI deems extremist endure embarked on a risky path that might eventually lead them to confide an attack.

“It’s an intellectual framework that’s saying, ‘We’re only interested in using their surveillance and investigative tools on the terrorists, but the terrorists arrive from this specific pool of activists,’” German told The Intercept. “They can then justify surveilling the activists, suppressing the activists, and furthermore selectively prosecuting the activists. We’ve seen that in the prosecutions of people following the January 20 protests, and we’ve certainly furthermore seen it with Standing Rock.”

Following the breakup of Standing Rock resistance camps, the North Dakota SLIC offered information on DAPL opponents to a central Florida fusion heart monitoring opposition to the Sabal Trail Pipeline, according to an April 2017 intelligence bulletin. The document, which repeatedly uses the terminology of “domestic violent extremists,” notes the migration of pipeline opponents to struggles in Minnesota, South Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Texas, and Iowa.

“Our SLIC, when asked, has provided information to other SLICs in states that are, have, or may flavor protests similar to the one that occurred in North Dakota,” Fong told The Intercept. “The ND SLIC is not actively monitoring anyone associated with the NoDAPL protests.”

A May 2017 report prepared by the DHS Office of Intelligence and Analysis and fusion centers across seven states defines “environmental rights extremists” as “groups or individuals who facilitate or engage in acts of unlawful violence against people, businesses, or government entities perceived to be destroying, degrading, or exploiting the natural environment.”

The report claims that “suspected environmental rights extremists exploited autochthonous American anti-DAPL protests to attract unusual members to their movement, gain public sympathy, and justify criminal and violent acts,” a narrative later repeated in a intrigue lawsuit DAPL parent company Energy Transfer Partners filed against environmentalist groups. Yet widely disparate individuals are included under the extremist label, including Canadian indigenous people who traveled to North Dakota and a member of the Standing Rock Sioux tribe, Dean Dedman, whose “suspicious drone use” raised concerns of attempted countersurveillance. To Dedman, the extremist designation fits with police officials’ broader application to discredit water protectors. “They’re putting it in their words to portray that we’re terrorists or we’re anywise trying to disrupt the peace, which is totally bogus,” he told The Intercept.

The document categorizes a broad gain of protest activities as violent, noting that while “environmental rights extremists often account themselves to be nonviolent because their attacks mind to be against property,” tactics such as tampering with pipeline valves and setting fire to construction rig “carry an inherent risk of death or sober of injury, regardless of intent.” Its authors identify ominous intelligence gaps as to the being of “training camps established to instruct violent tactics” and “which camps house individuals who endure an interest in using lethal weapons such as IEDs against law enforcement or pipeline entities.”

In a section describing “use of potentially lethal devices,” the report holds up Red toady Fallis as an illustration of extremist violence. Without mentioning Fallis by name, the report claims she “shot a firearm at law enforcement officers who had confronted her while taking her into custody,” echoing an allegation long since discarded by prosecutors — that Fallis intentionally shot at police.

The same section cites a November 2016 incident in which a Standing Rock protester “threw minute IEDs at officers, resulting in near amputation of her arm after one of the IEDs exploded prematurely, according to law enforcement and DHS reporting.” But according to multiple sworn witnesses, the woman in question, Sophia Wilansky, sustained the gruesome injury after police shot her with “less than lethal” munition during a confrontation that saw officers spray protesters with water hoses and rubber bullets amid subfreezing temperatures, resulting in hundreds of injuries.

As The Intercept previously reported, an FBI informant played a key role in defining the version of events law enforcement promoted about Wilansky’s injury. In an email to several FBI and Department of Justice addresses after the incident, Terry Van Horn, a national security intelligence specialist with the U.S. Attorney’s Office, famed that an FBI “source from the camp reported people were making IEDs from minute Coleman-type propane canisters.”

Neither the FBI nor the Department of Homeland Security would address specific questions from The Intercept related to intelligence collection. “The FBI investigates activity which may constitute a federal crime or pose a threat to national security. Their focus is not on membership in particular groups or adherence to particular ideologies but on criminal activity,” a spokesperson for the FBI said in a statement.

A spokesperson for DHS wrote, “DHS works with federal partners, including the FBI, and status and local law enforcement through the National Network of Fusion Centers to assess threats and dissect trends in activity from sum violent extremist groups, regardless of ideology. DHS is prohibited from engaging in intelligence activities for the sole purpose of monitoring activities protected by the First Amendment.”

FILE - In this Oct. 27, 2016 file photo, Dakota Access Pipeline protesters sit in a prayer  coterie at the Front Line Camp as a line of law enforcement officers  design their  route across the camp to remove the protesters and relocate to the overflow camp a few miles to the south on Highway 1806 in Morton County, N.D. Members of more than 200 tribes from across North America   endure  arrive to the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe's encampment at the confluence of the Missouri and Cannonball rivers since August, the tribe says. Estimates at the protest site   endure varied from a few hundred to several thousand depending on the day _ enough for tribal officials to call it one of the largest gatherings of  autochthonous Americans in a century or more. (Mike McCleary/The Bismarck Tribune via AP, File)

Dakota Access pipeline opponents sit in a prayer coterie at the Front-Line Camp as law enforcement officers remove protesters and relocate them to an overflow camp a few miles south on Highway 1806 in Morton County, N.D., on Oct. 27, 2016.

Photo: Mike McCleary/The Bismarck Tribune/AP

The histrionic circumstances of Fallis’s arrest endure frequently been used by law enforcement and fossil fuel interests to bolster the portrayal of water protectors as reckless and violent. Fallis’s attorneys endure argued that it is impossible for her to receive a objective ordeal in North Dakota because of the intense level of negative publicity, pointing to counterinformation efforts by police and DAPL security to shove an extremist narrative of the protests.

The attempted murder charges North Dakota initially filed against Fallis were dismissed within a month, but public Facebook posts by the Morton and Cass County sheriff’s departments linking her to the more sober crime endure never been corrected. Both departments shared a video in which a Highway Patrol captain claimed it was lucky no officers were shot, but “it wasn’t because she was trying to aim away from law enforcement.” Meanwhile, Energy Transfer Partners singled out Fallis as a “radical eco-terrorist” in its racketeering lawsuit filed against Greenpeace and other groups.


Red toady Fallis, second from left, poses with members of the International Indigenous Youth Council at the Rosebud Camp in October 2016.

Photo: Provided by Mia Stevens

But those who know Fallis record a woman who had arrive into her own as a camp medic and mentor to younger activists after traveling to Standing Rock at a crossroads in her own life. Fallis was grieving the recent death of her mother, said Mia Stevens, 23, a family friend. Troy Lynn Yellow Wood was “a really necessary woman” among indigenous communities in Denver, Stevens said. “After Red Fawn’s mom passed, she just stepped up how she cared about people and took on a bigger role. Everything her mom would say, pray about, and accomplish — that became Red Fawn’s place.”

Fallis developed a immediate bond with members of the International Indigenous Youth Council, a group of adolescents and immature adults at the forefront of numerous demonstrations. Lauren Howland, a 22-year-old member of the San Carlos and Jicarilla Apache tribes and Navajo Nation, who got to know Fallis through the council, described what she viewed as one of Fallis’s defining moments at Standing Rock.

On October 22, 2016, roughly 200 people conducted a prayer walk to a remote Part of the pipeline’s path, where protesters had locked themselves to disabled vehicles to screen the advance of construction equipment. The group was surrounded by police flanked by armored personnel carriers, Howland recalled, and officers began tackling people and using pepper spray. An officer in military gear clubbed Howland’s hand and wrist with a baton, fracturing her wrist in two places.

Howland said she was attempting to lead a 10-year-old boy away from the melee when the stitch overwhelmed her and she had to sit down on a hillside far from the water protectors’ camps. Fallis, who had been riding a four-wheeler in and out of the belt to assist vulnerable people, located Howland and the boy and transported them to safety.

“Red toady really saved my ass,” Howland recalled. “I don’t even know how many times she went back and forth helping people that day, helping elders and other people who were hurt.”

CANNON BALL, ND - DECEMBER 3: A hand painted drawing of Sitting Bull decorates the Rosebud camp Just outside of the Lakota Sioux reservation of Standing Rock, North Dakota, on December 3, 2016. Over two hundred tribes, joined by environmental activists and hundreds of United States military veterans, camp and demonstrate against the Dakota Access Pipeline, which plans to be built under the Missouri River adjacent to the reservation. The gathering has been the largest meeting of  autochthonous Americans since the  puny Bighorn camp in 1876. (Photo by Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty Images)

A painting depicts Sitting Bull at the Rosebud Camp outside of the Lakota Sioux reservation of Standing Rock, N.D., on Dec. 3, 2016.

Photo: Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis/Getty Images

In his interview with the ATF and North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation, Harmon said the understanding he kept a gun in the trailer at the Rosebud Camp was for “peace of mind” — not because he felt that pipeline opponents presented a threat but “because there was rumors of DAPL security posing as protesters that were armed.”

On the morning after Fallis’s arrest, Harmon said, he called his contacts at the FBI. “I said, you know, the gun that was in that shooting, I said, that’s my firearm. They said, ‘Report it.’ So I reported it stolen.” In an interview with the Mandan Police Department the same day, he claimed the gun had been stolen two to three weeks prior. But he changed his memoir when talking to the ATF and BCI, aphorism that he’d final seen the gun a couple of days before the incident. “I left it in the trailer,” he added, “and Red toady knew where it was.”

Law enforcement records related to the case imply the situation was complicated for Harmon, who had arrive to sojourn with his mother in Mandan after the downturn in the Bakken oil industry, according to comments she made to the BCI.

Hours of phone conversations recorded by the Morton County jail present Harmon and Fallis planning for their future together and Harmon offering words of encouragement as Fallis coped with the intensity of her legal situation. On one call, Harmon appears to demolish down as the two discussed Fallis’s uncertain future.

In his December 2016 interview, after telling investigators he had developed a relationship with Fallis after becoming a source for the FBI, Harmon added, “My judgment was wrong.”

At the conclusion of the interview, ATF Special Agent Derek Hill informed Harmon that he might be called as a witness at Fallis’s ordeal and famed his concern that Harmon’s affiliation with the FBI would leak. “I’m familiar with her family from Pine Ridge and in Colorado,” said Hill, who according to court testimony, spent over a decade based in Rapid City, primarily working on Pine Ridge. “If you start getting harassed in any way, shape, or form, I would fancy you to gain out to us and let us know.”

The Intercept’s repeated attempts to gain Harmon for comment endure been unsuccessful. The FBI did not respond to questions about its expend of informants at Standing Rock or Harmon’s connection to Fallis’s case. Spokespeople for the ATF and the North Dakota Bureau of Criminal Investigation declined to address questions related to an ongoing case.

Edgar  endure Runner, co-coordinator of the 25th anniversary of Wounded Knee 1973, stands by the graves of Anna Mae Aquash and Joe Stuntz on Wednesday, Feb. 18, 1998, at the  puny Family Cemetery in Oglala, S.D. Aquash and Stuntz were killed during the violence that followed the 71 day occupation of Wounded Knee in 1973. The anniversary begins Friday Feb. 27 at the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota. (AP Photo/Jill Kokesh)

Edgar endure Runner, co-coordinator of the 25th anniversary of Wounded Knee 1973, stands by the graves of Anna Mae Aquash and Joe Stuntz on Feb. 18, 1998, at the puny Family Cemetery in Oglala, S.D.

Photo: Jill Kokesh/AP

The FBI has long relied on informants, from COINTELPRO to the war on terror, who act not only as observers but as agents provocateur, facilitating acts for which their targets are penalized. After 9/11, according to German, the former FBI agent, the bureau adopted what it called a “disruption strategy” that involved “the expend of informants as a implement to suppress the activities of targeted groups, even when there is no actual evidence of criminality.”

It was, in many ways, a unusual denomination for an stale set of tactics. In the 1970s, the American Indian Movement was a target of FBI informants, most notably AIM’s chief security officer, Douglas Durham, a immediate confidant of the group’s leaders who was on the FBI’s payroll for two years. During that period, various other aim members were internally accused of working for the bureau. Many endure arrive to believe the rumors began with actual informants fancy Durham deploying a strategy meant to sow division.

“They had us on their list to be infiltrated and disrupted and neutralized,” said Clyde Bellecourt, who helped institute aim and survived a near-fatal shooting in 1973 he says was fomented by an FBI operation involving Durham. Nearly half a century later, Bellecourt, who is Ojibwe from Minnesota, was among those the North Dakota SLIC do on its links chart of movement leaders at Standing Rock, having traveled there on three occasions.

After the revelation that Durham had worked for the FBI, fears of infiltration would intensify, bringing about one of AIM’s most painful chapters. Some members became convinced that Anna Mae Aquash, an activist from the Mi’kmaq First Nation in Canada, was working for the bureau. Aquash was driven into South Dakota’s Badlands and shot in the back of the head.

Fallis’s mother, Yellow Wood, institute herself in the middle of the controversy. She testified in one of the resulting murder trials that Aquash had been staying in her home, which served as a kindly of aim safe house, when she was convinced by a group of visitors to leave. “She said that if this occurred, if they took her back to South Dakota, that I would never observe her again,” Yellow Wood stated in 2004.

Decades after Aquash’s body was discovered, two aim members were convicted of her murder. Meanwhile, the cases of numerous aim members and supporters believed to be killed by the GOONs endure never been prosecuted.

Sunaina Maira, a professor at the University of California, Davis who has studied the effects of FBI surveillance of Muslim and Arab Americans, said a major office of such activity is to fray the bonds of dependence that knit communities and social movements together. “One of the implicit, if not explicit, objectives is to try to undermine any kindly of organizing, mobilization, and collective solidarity,” she said. “It creates a chilling situation, particularly when it involves the expend of autochthonous informants from people’s own communities. People start having to miracle who’s who.”

More details on Fallis’s case are inevitable to emerge at trial, scheduled to inaugurate January 29. After defense lawyers requested her case be transferred out of North Dakota to ensure an impartial jury pool, a judge ordered the ordeal moved from Bismarck roughly 200 miles east to Fargo, the seat of Cass County, where Sheriff Paul Laney helped spearhead a National Sheriffs’ Association public relations campaign to discredit DAPL opponents. Fallis will be tried in the same federal courthouse where an all-white jury handed down Leonard Peltier’s murder conviction in 1977.

After spending a year in jail, Fallis was recently moved to a halfway house in Fargo. According to Glenn Morris, she “is prepared to guard herself vigorously in court against these fabricated charges.”

Morris believes it was Fallis’s political activism that drew the attention of law enforcement — her faith in indigenous self-determination and role in the largest mobilization against a fossil fuel infrastructure project in U.S. history. “Anyone who believes in the same things Red toady does can become the next Red Fawn, can become the next target,” Morris said. “That’s why people exigency to watch what happens with her case.”

Documents published with this story:May 2017 field Analysis ReportApril 2017 Joint Intelligence BulletinLinks Chart on Leaders of the MovementIntel Thread 2016-10-22Intel Thread 2016-10-17SLIC Operations Email 2016-09-01

Top photo: Tires sear as armed soldiers and law enforcement officers stand in formation on Oct. 27, 2016, to obligate Dakota Access pipeline protesters off private land where they had camped to screen construction.

Should CFOs Automate fiscal Reporting? | true questions and Pass4sure dumps

When Derek Yung was hired as vice president of finance and strategic planning at NexTag a puny more than a year ago, the privately held online price-comparison company had no strategic-planning processes to speak of. NexTag’s owners reported to the board quarterly, and kept most of the information about the company’s performance — and what they expected it to be — in their heads. “There was a lot of collaboration among the five people who controlled the company,” says Yung, but outside that group there was a “lack of accountability” and ownership.

“That works when you’re small,” Yung continues, but today NexTag’s not small. The company makes money by charging retailers a fee when shoppers click through to their site from NexTag and buy something. Those fees add up, and when NexTag was purchased four years ago by a private-equity firm, it was valued at $1.3 billion. NexTag now earns $200 million annually, and “five people can’t know everything about a $200 million company,” Yung says.

“We were worthy at telling you what happened yesterday — how many clicks Sears got and what they charged them — but how that rolled up for the month and how that reflected plan, that didn’t exist,” says Yung. NexTag used worthy Plains software to report fiscal data. Other reporting systems were custom-built for each industry office and produced spreadsheets that were consolidated manually to submit reports. Yung’s mission was to automate that process. His goal: to give the company the timely information it needed to design decisions based on worthy fiscal insight.

Yung chose Host Analytics, a software-as-a-service (SaaS) business-analytics provider with budgeting, consolidation, and reporting capabilities he equates with Hyperion’s and Cognos’s — but with the lower cost of entry typical with SaaS. “I didn’t want to invest in IT for fiscal systems,” he says.

NexTag’s finance department now provides monthly performance reports to sum internal P&L owners, a report on actuals versus device for the current and prior year, and a monthly packet that goes to the board. “We set up the reports in Host Analytics once,” says Yung, “press a button, and there they are.” He believes automation will enable finance to accomplish more with less and focus on industry strategy.

The Myth of AutomationCFOs want to be strategic. As cloud provider Intacct CFO Marc Linden says, they want to expend less time on the “nuts and bolts of accounting” and more time evaluating unusual industry models and opportunities.

Inside businesses in general, expectations for the CFO are rising. But what frequently stands in the route is the time and application it takes to cobble together information from operational silos. And not only accomplish those labor-intensive processes hold finance from the high-value work their organizations want, they can create time lags. “What kindly of decisions can you design with information that’s out of date?” asks Forrester principal Paul Hamerman.

“As the organization gets more complex, it takes longer and longer for the reporting software to remove its snapshot of the numbers in the database,” says Heather Meister, a fiscal consultant and CPA at DLC, a management consultancy. “When people arrive in to work in the morning, that snapshot no longer matches the generic ledger.” That can lead to wrong decisions. “You could account you endure a cash-flow problem when you don’t, or don’t when you do,” she says.

While automation is the obvious solution to these problems, every technology has its limits.

“Financial reporting will never be fully automated,” states Gabe Zubizarreta, founder and principal of Silicon Valley Accountants, a boutique CPA firm. “Say you inform a salesman he’s going to accumulate a quarterly prize if he sells X units. By the second month, he’s halfway there. Should you record that prize for the quarter? There’s no privilege accounting answer. Maybe recording that puts you a puny below your profit estimate so you don’t record it. Maybe you do. It takes human judgment. You can’t automate that.”

Complexity makes report automation an ever-receding target. “The more involved the business, the more unique and divorce the fiscal transaction systems that exist within it, the more manual journal entries are required,” says Bruce Myers, a managing director with AlixPartners, which specializes in IT transformations. “With companies constantly making acquisitions, there are always unique systems being integrated.” And while they’re being integrated — which, in the case of big enterprise-resource-planning (ERP) systems, can remove years — companies endure no altenative but to report manually.

In large, global companies, “you’ve got people on the other side of the planet that endure to report,” Zubizarreta says. According to KPMG confederate Hakan Aytekin, “We observe [global] companies typically not performing reconciliations on inevitable balances” simply because it’s too time-consuming to check the information coming from sum those ERP systems.

The industry units in different countries, says Zubizarreta, “have different rules, different products, different warranties, sum combined together. It’s a mythical world in which you accumulate everything on one system and everything is automated.”

This is a huge problem for those large, global companies. But for minute and midsize businesses, fully automated reporting may be less chimerical.

Stitching Together a Better ReportMike Maher, who after graduating from industry school in 2007 couldn’t find a shirt that suitable the route he liked, began selling custom-made shirts out of his apartment about three years ago. In March 2011, he and his confederate opened Taylor Stitch in San Francisco, and this year he expects to sell between $1.5 million and $2 million in shirts, jeans, khakis, and hats. His poise sheets were done in Excel. “It wasn’t pretty,” he says, “but it worked for us.” Now, he says, outdo is “obsolete in their lives. It’s one less thing to deal with.”

Maher’s reporting software is provided by Xero, a SaaS QuickBooks Online competitor. Xero has report templates for P&Ls, receivables, payables, budget summaries, generic ledger, and cash position statements, among others. The main challenge for minute industry owners, says Xero president of U.S. operations Jamie Sutherland, is “having insight into your cash position. That helps you to know what’s coming down the pipe so you know if you can hire that next employee to wait on propel the business.”

Maher is now running his industry on three SaaS systems: Shopify, an e-commerce platform connected to the Vend point-of-sale system, flows into Xero. It sum costs Maher under $200 a month. Of course, Taylor Stitch is not as ample as Abercrombie & Fitch. “If I was,” Maher says, “you wouldn’t be speaking with me. I’d be hover fishing somewhere.”

Why Did I Buy That ERP System?If Taylor Stitch was Abercrombie & Fitch, Maher could be hover fishing, secure in the lore that his ERP system would churn out sum the reports he needed. But ERP systems, despite having had that capability for decades, are never configured for the unique needs of the businesses that deploy them. “I’m working with a company now that draws information from 14 different ERP systems,” says the SVA’s Zubizarreta. “And you’re going to inform me you’re going to shove one button and accumulate sum the reports you need? ERP has never fulfilled that promise.”

ERPs are loaded with functions that businesses never use. They endure payroll, but most companies outsource that. It’s the same with other ERP functions. “If the cost of automating the accounting for transactions in the ERP system exceeds the profit of saving [the effort] of manual entry and consolidation, it may be difficult to justify spending the money,” says AlixPartners’s Myers. “There’s a lot of value that finance can drive more than worrying about trying to eradicate the marginal spreadsheet or manual journal entry.”

There are literally scores of report-automation tools on the market, ranging from SaaS tools fancy Xero and QuickBooks Online for minute operations fancy Maher’s, to more robust and functional systems fancy BlackLine Systems and Host Analytics for midsize companies, to giant ERP systems scaling from cloud-based NetSuite to on-premises SAP and Oracle. They sum can submit reports, and so can Excel. “The main thing is having a larger view of what the fiscal office should accomplish for the company,” says Yung. “A fancy report that looks worthy but doesn’t wait on the industry because you don’t understand what they need, that’s useless.

“Sometimes,” Yung says, “you just endure a meeting and walk through sum the information.”

That may not be towering tech or automated. But it might just be very much appreciated.

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