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8002 II- Mathematical Foundations of Risk(R) Measurement

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Test Code : 8002
Test appellation : II- Mathematical Foundations of Risk(R) Measurement
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: 132 existent Questions

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Datebook: Mi Kafchin explores the unreal in new artwork at Nicodim | existent Questions and Pass4sure dumps

New exhibitions at OCMA expand. while their new Thom Mayne-design constructing is below construction in Costa Mesa, the Orange County Museum of artwork has been occupying a brief website inside an historical furniture showroom near South Coast Plaza, and that i seriously dig. (more museums in convenient-to-access strip malls, please.) for their circular of exhibitions they're inserting on a sequence of installations by using Diego Berruecos, York Chang, Victoria Fu, Matt prosperous, Fritzia Irizar, UuDam Tran Nguyen and Hiromi Takizawa that feel on issues of handle, power, actuality and fact. via Sept. 1. South Coast Plaza Village, 1661 W. Sunflower Ave., Costa Mesa, ocma.internet.

UC San Diego Electrical Engineer Massimo Franceschetti Named a 2019 Guggenheim Fellow | existent Questions and Pass4sure dumps

Massimo Franceschetti, a professor of Electrical and computer Engineering at the tuition of California San Diego, has been awarded a 2019 Guggenheim Fellowship. The fellowship is awarded with the aid of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial foundation to individuals who believe validated first-rate skill for productive scholarship. Franceschetti changed into the only fellow nominated this year within the class of natural Sciences: Engineering.

Prof. Franceschetti’s labor makes a speciality of the mathematical foundations of engineering systems, with applications to networks, manage, computation, conversation, and sensing.

His latest analysis is at the intersection of electromagnetic and guidance theories. The leading purpose of this labor is to learn the fundamental limits of communique and sensing by using merging the thought of guidance with the physical features of the wave propagation technique. This approach is described in his fresh ebook entitled Wave concept of tips, posted by using Cambridge school press in 2018, and it's at the basis of what he plans to pursue below the Guggenheim award.


Massimo Franceschetti

youngsters generally theoretical, this labor has functions in a titanic compass of areas including communications, leading to a much better understanding of the bounds of large multi-antenna programs and exorbitant frequency communications; faraway sensing, resulting in a more robust figuring out of vivid resolution limits; and safeguard-critical networked control programs, together with autonomous navigation and robotic techniques.

Francescetti spoke of that the $50,000 award “will supply me the liberty to pursue analysis that would be in any other case problematic to accomplish in the context a yardstick grant-funded initiatives or other consulting actions. it's going to additionally allow me to disappear back and forth more extensively to pursue collaborations and give lectures in different associations.”

“Congratulations Massimo Franceschetti,” pointed out Albert P. Pisano, Dean of the UC San Diego Jacobs school of Engineering. “A Guggenheim Fellowship is an incredible honor, and a fanciful focus of Massimo’s aptitude for deep thinking, creativity, technical excellence, and true-world relevance.”

Some ragged UC San Diego recipients within the scientific categories consist of: mathematician Kiran Kedlaya (2014), desktop scientist Russell Impagliazzo (2004), mathematician Ruth Williams (2001) and physicist Terence Hwa (1999). In Electrical Engineering at UC San Diego, Franceschetti is the primary to be awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship given that the late prof. Jack okay. Wolf in 1979.

At UC San Diego, Franceschetti is a school member of the core for wireless Communications and the middle for tips theory and applications and a analysis affiliate of the Qualcomm Institute, which is the UC San Diego division of the California Institute of Telecommunication and recommendation applied sciences.

research Highlights

Franceschetti’s contributions to the concept of wave propagation and dissimilar scattering were recognized by using the S.A. Schelkunoff Transactions prize paper award from the Antennas and Propagation society of the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE).  

His labor on stochastic geometry and random graphs for the evaluation and design of instant networks changed into recognized by using the IEEE Communications society ultimate tutorial paper award; whereas his labor at the intersection of handle and communication turned into recognized by using the Ruberti immature researcher prize of the IEEE handle thought Society, awarded for “contributions in actual and tips-based foundation of networked handle and conversation techniques.”

Franceschetti co-authored a publication on random networks for communique, which became posted in 2007 via Cambridge university press, and changed into elected Fellow of the IEEE in 2018 for “contributions to random instant networks.” He too received a country wide Science groundwork profession award in 2006 and an workplace of Naval analysis immature Investigator award in 2007.

a few of his simultaneous research pursuits encompass the study of dynamical programs of agents interacting over networks, used to mannequin companionable interactions between individuals as interacting particle programs. In two papers (one / two) co-authored with certainly one of his graduate college students he gave rigorous options for the two-dimensional version of a model of companionable segregation at the start delivered by Nobel laureate Thomas Schelling in 1969.

He also studied the spreading of feelings in on-line companionable networks through inspecting information from hundreds of thousands of clients in a collaborative project with facebook. results from this large facts application had been posted in two papers which got appreciable consideration within the media (BBC, NBC, Wall street Journal). In contrast to outdated reports the space researchers secretly modified information feeds of some users to be able to anatomize their response, this anatomize was in keeping with a novel, non-invasive approach that changed into transparent to the users.

Biographical guidance

Franceschetti bought most of his undergraduate training in Italy, where he attended the Electrical and desktop Engineering program of university Federico II of Naples, Italy, with a 12 months stint in Scotland, at tuition of Edinburgh, the space he took classes in the computing device Science arm as a piece of a european change application.

He graduated from school Federico II of Naples in 1997, after which moved to the us to attend graduate faculty on the California Institute of technology. There, he received a M.Sc. in 1999 and a PhD in 2003 in Electrical Engineering. while at Caltech, his distinctions protected receiving the Walker von Brimer award for awesome analysis initiative in 2000, and the C. H. Wiltz prize for top-rated PhD thesis in Electrical Engineering in 2003.

Upon departure from Caltech, he spent two years at the college of California at Berkeley as a postdoctoral pupil in the department of Electrical Engineering and laptop Science, and then joined the college of the UC San Diego Jacobs faculty of Engineering, within the department of Electrical and computer Engineering.

during his profession, he too held travelling positions on the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands, the Ecole polytechnique federale de Lausanne, Switzerland, and the university of Trento, Italy.

UC San Diego’s Studio Ten 300 offers radio and tv connections for media interviews with their school. For extra assistance, e-mail .(JavaScript should be enabled to view this e mail tackle).

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II- Mathematical Foundations of Risk(R) Measurement

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Susan Athey is the Economics of Technology Professor at Stanford Graduate School of Business.  She received her bachelor's degree from Duke University and her PhD from Stanford, and she holds an honorary doctorate from Duke University. She previously taught at the economics departments at MIT, Stanford and Harvard. Her current research focuses on the economics of digitization, marketplace design, and the intersection of econometrics and machine learning. She has worked on several application areas, including timber auctions, internet search, online advertising, the news media, and virtual currency. As one of the first "tech economists," she served as consulting chief economist for Microsoft Corporation for six years, and now serves on the boards of Expedia, Rover, and Ripple.  She too serves as a long-term advisor to the British Columbia Ministry of Forests, helping architect and implement their auction-based pricing system.

Inside the Political Fight Over How to handle California's Housing crisis | existent questions and Pass4sure dumps

New townhouses under construction in California.

New townhouses under construction in California.

In a hearing play in California's capitol recently, condition Senator Scott Wiener described a widespread housing crisis in stark terms. California is short about 3.5 million homes, he said, citing a McKinsey report that projected housing require by 2025. Buying a home at the Golden State's median price—over half a million dollars—is a fantasy for most households. Rents are soaring, homelessness is up, and displacement is refacing storied neighborhoods.

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"Red or blue, complete of their communities are struggling," Wiener told an audience of lobbyists, citizens, and members of the condition senate housing committee, who would later believe their suppose about how to address the housing crisis.

As they spoke, the painted figures in a Depression-era mural depicting the state's romanticized origins looked on. Flanked by a missionary, a prospector, a frontiersman, and a aboriginal Californian, Calafia, the Amazon goddess from whom the condition supposedly gets its name, graced its spectacular and varied terrain. In the foreground, a white working-class couple, child in arms, surveyed their land of promise.

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As the hearing made clear, rarely has California's mythic narrative of opportunity seemed further from reality. From Sonoma to San Diego, the condition faces a massive affordability crisis; across the political gradient, few residents disagree on that, even if they don't note eye to eye on how to resolve it. Investment in below-market-rate housing? Stronger tenant protections? Better city planning? They're complete piece of the solution, Wiener said. But what California fundamentally lacks is adequate housing supply, he said, and it needs to tear down needless barriers to market-rate construction.

That's the end behind Wiener's Senate Bill 50, which proposes to rewrite the laws that believe blocked high-volume housing construction. fancy its predecessor SB 827, the transit-oriented housing bill that captured national attention last year, SB 50 faces vigorous opposition from many angles. But it cleared its first legislative hurdle recently when it passed that housing committee (which Wiener leads) with a bipartisan 9–1 vote.

The bill would set an unprecedented condition yardstick for residential zoning codes in inescapable corners of California. Currently, it is illegal to build anything but lone dwellings designed for lone families, sometimes with an in-law unit, in roughly 80 percent of California's residential neighborhoods. SB 50 would change those laws in areas that are near high-frequency transit lines, job clusters, and sound schools, prying open opportunities for developers to build to taller heights, with more units per square foot.

It's a solution to what is, in one respect, a geometry problem. Cities that cling to their coveted coastlines can expand outwardly only so far, and even in titanic metros fancy Los Angeles and the Bay Area, the partake of land that's zoned for single-family housing is quiet about 70 percent. Governor Gavin Newsom has pledged to meet that 3.5 million-unit gap by 2025. But University of California–Los Angeles urban policy experts recently showed that zoning constraints avert cities and counties from edifice more than 2.8 million new homes. "If you're prohibited to build enough housing, then you're sort of stuck," Wiener said.

Unfortunately, however, the housing crisis isn't just about the math. These politics probe deep into fundamental emotional concepts about ownership, sovereignty, and identity. A diverse mix of Californians—from the richest suburbs in the country, to rent-strained neighborhoods fighting gentrification and displacement, to struggling towns from the vast farming region—have arranged themselves on either side of the bill, which has tapped a powerful strain of concern about who should live in this state, and how.

For its opponents, SB 50 functions as a Rorschach test that reveals the "real" housing crisis. At Tuesday's hearing, a parade of naysayers had their minute at the mic.

"This is about destroying suburban, one-home-per-lot neighborhoods ... this is discrimination," said Karen Klinger, a Sacramento existent estate broker.

Jason Rhine, a legislative director with the League of California Cities, had another concern: He complained that the legislation would undermine local plans to augment housing supplies. "You order us to plan, you accredit their plan, and now the rules are going to be changed without additional input," he said.

Rene Christian Moya, the director of Housing Is a Human Right, led a group of low-income tenant-activists from L.A. and Oakland to testify at the hearing about their key objection: the horror that SB 50 would bring rent hikes and displacement. "We contest vigorously that trickle-down housing is the way to build," he said. (His organization is a subsidiary of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the global health-care and advocacy non-profit that’s become a device for fighting density measures in Southern California.)

SB 50 is already further along than its predecessor, SB 827, ever got. That bill's premature demise (it didn't pellucid its first hearing) was largely due to the concerns of low-income community advocates, who justly saw transit-adjacent upzoning as a gentrification accelerator. It's arduous to parse the exact reasons why people leave their neighborhoods, but rising rents are indisputably driving some poorer Californians out of their longtime neighborhoods. Highly visible examples can be found in the Mission in San Francisco, and Boyle Heights in L.A.

SB 50 contains a number of new provisions that address those criticisms. That includes a five-year carve-out for "sensitive communities" that could be at risk of displacement, which the bill is leaving up to local planners and advocates to define. It boasts stronger provisions for inclusionary requirements, and it excludes properties that believe long had tenants animated in them or believe been recently theme to evictions. It too targets neighborhoods that are moneyed in jobs and mighty schools, in addition to transit-adjacent ones, for higher-density allowances. That way, desirable communities that believe long been immune to new progress pressure—high-income, high-opportunity, and zoned to be exclusionary—would believe to step up too.

Wiener has drawn a broader coalition behind SB 50 than he was able to accomplish for its predecessor. Supporters embrace AARP, the California Labor Federation, the California Association of Realtors, CalPIRG, the Natural Resources Defense Council, Habitat for Humanity, unprejudiced Housing Advocates of Northern California, the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, the BART Board of Directors, and the mayors of San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Stockton, and Sacramento. Three-quarters of residents in San Francisco—where housing affordability is the top civic concern, polls show—support SB 50, according to a survey by the SF Chamber of Commerce.

But some tenant advocacy groups and community justice organizations quiet horror that SB 50 could toss fuel on the fire of urban displacement. And although this draft goes further to establish affordability standards to obtain confident that new projects are mixed income, its focus is quiet principally on edifice market-rate apartments. That doesn't slash it for very low-income Californians, Moya said, who are struggling the most to hang on to homes. He's a aboriginal of the gentrifying, historically Latino neighborhood of Highland Park in Los Angeles, where median home prices believe more than doubled since 2012. Moya has experienced housing insecurity himself, he said: "This is personal for me."

Other advocates horror that the condition government pre-empting community control over zoning and planning—long authorities vested at the local level—would set a unsafe precedent, particularly for vulnerable populations who've been left out of planning processes in the past. "Sensitive communities" might too be too narrowly defined by the bill's language so far, suppose dozens of prominent low-income housing developers, companionable justice advocates, and anti-poverty legal groups from around the condition who sent a long epistle of concerns to Wiener's office last month. "SB 50 must accurately identify complete sensitive communities and preserve meaningful self-determination in those communities so that they can end for an inclusive future," that epistle states.

But California housing politics creates outlandish bedfellows. Probably the loudest voices of dissent against SB 50 perquisite now are affluent homeowners who worry that it will bulldoze local control over housing allowances and imperil "historic character"—traditional concerns of Not in My Backyard adherents. Groups fancy Livable California, founded last year by Marin anti-growth activist Susan Kirsch (who recently told Palo Alto Weekly that she prefers to the milder word "problem" to "crisis" when it comes to housing), believe found footing up and down the state. In late March, a few dozen homeowners—mostly white, mostly older—gathered outside a church in downtown San Luis Obispo, where scarcely any edifice stands higher than two stories, to protest Wiener's appearance at a housing pinnacle organized by the local chamber of commerce. (I was too on the panel.) They raised signs, passed out Livable California literature, and chanted anti-SB 50 slogans. Sample couplet: "Density is not the way!/Where is the parking, who will pay?"

"We just want to preserve their attribute of life," said Allen Cooper, the secretary of rescue Their Downtown, an anti-density preservation group in San Luis Obispo. "And piece of that is they don't want seven-story buildings looming over their houses."

That's not what SB 50 would do; it would raise height limits gradually, contingent on the codes already on the books. Nevertheless, S.O.D.'s members combine with opponents in affluent communities and their elected leaders from Marin County to Redondo Beach to Sherman Oaks (my own childhood neighborhood in L.A.'s San Fernando Valley).

Up in the Bay Area, Cupertino Mayor Steve Scharf recently joked that the city planned to build a wall around itself to tame congestion problems and would coerce San Jose to pay for it. In his city, the median cost for a single-family home is more than $2 million, unaffordable even to well-paid Apple software engineers. Yet it failed to require that Apple build any new housing when it approved the tech giant's $1 billion, 10,000-worker new headquarters. In nearby Palo Alto, Mayor Eric Filseth railed against the bill in his recent state-of-the-city speech, complaining that targeting zoning codes would fail to hold titanic employers accountable for their role in the housing crunch. That's true, but SB 50 wouldn't override local housing elements that disappear above and beyond it.

John Mirisch, the vice mayor of Beverly Hills, too used a recent address as an anti-SB 50 tirade, likening pro-housing legislators to Haman, a villain from the Jewish holiday of Purim, who attempted to cancel off the Jews. He too referred to apartment buildings as "slums," and encouraged everyone to live in single-family homes. (Median home cost in Beverly Hills, the vast majority of which is zoned for single-family homes: $3.5 million.)

These pricey enclaves aren't wrong to note themselves in the bullseye of SB 50. "We are targeting places fancy Beverly Hills that believe shirked their responsibly to contribute to fixing this crisis," said Laura Foote, the executive director of YIMBY Action, a pro-housing advocacy group. "We are targeting places fancy Cupertino, which believe added a lot of jobs and not a lot of housing."

Considering the root of their respective concerns, it makes sense that low-income tenants rights groups concerned with displacement, and the representatives of the wealthiest neighborhoods in California, would be in the anti-SB 50 boat together. Fights against displacement in gentrifying areas generally happen in neighborhoods where it is already possible to build new, multi-family housing units with higher rents than existing tenants can afford—which is to say, in the few neighborhoods in California where that's allowed.

Part of the intuition anti-gentrification battles erupt in neighborhoods fancy Highland Park or the Mission is that single-family zoning codes believe fiercely guarded against higher-density construction in most other surrounding neighborhoods. Homeowners in affluent neighborhoods, meanwhile, can exert disproportionate influence on the local zoning and progress approval processes that effectively settle which communities are subjected to neighborhood change. "All of this is a legacy of the fact that you can build multi-family housing on only a few sites," said Sonja Trauss, the co-executive director of the California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund.

SB 50 seeks to upend that legacy by alleviating pressure on the most sensitive areas, opening up progress in the areas where exclusionary zoning believe retain up the highest barriers to opportunity. It would rewrite the codes that believe protected more suburban-style communities from physical changes to their composition, physical or demographic. "Homeowners generally capitalize from scarcity," said Michael Lens, a professor of urban policy at UCLA. "So pulling some of the zoning powers away from cities seems fancy something to respect to reduce those negative incentives."

The drive down from San Francisco to Silicon Valley offers a visual lesson in why progress pressures are so intensely concentrated in the few parts of the Bay district where multi-unit housing is allowed. On the highway, the city quickly gives way to vast tracts of carefully preserved green fields and tiled-roof suburban sprawl that is nearly indistinguishable from the generally more politically conservative Orange and San Diego counties, hundreds of miles to the south.

The long, leafy, suburban peninsula holds many of the wealthiest zip codes in the United States, and yet is the country's poster child for the extreme cost burdens created by extreme housing scarcity. It's where county bus drivers are forced to sleep in their cars at night, and where proposals to house public school teachers spark online fundraisers to quit them by homeowners who are "distraught and concerned."

Around here, residents stare at SB 50 much fancy an incoming meteor. Silicon Valley's Atherton, for example, is the very richest zip code in America, and is 100 percent zoned for single-family residential. It's home to moguls fancy Sheryl Sandberg, Eric Schmidt, and Meg Whitman. It lost its weekday Caltrain commuter rail service in 2005, much to the chagrin of some residents with jobs in San Francisco or San Jose. But earlier this year, the local rail committee debated whether to petition to cancel its Caltrain service entirely, in case SB 50 might believe upzoned the district around its historic train stop. In Atherton, some commuters apparently prefer to maintain slogging through congestion than risk an incursion of apartment renters.

Concerns among companionable justice advocates about SB 50 are genuine and legitimate. Hardly complete Californians who are vulnerable to rising rents and progress pressures live in hotly contested urban neighborhoods. consume Vallejo, California, a quiet relatively affordable north Bay district city and one of the most ethnically mixed places in the state. It has corridors moneyed in transit and jobs that could be upzoned under SB 50, potentially paving the way for more development, higher rents, and a more affluent demographic mix. "Some of the most diverse communities in California are made up of suburban-style, single-family homes," said Michael Storper, a scholar of regional economics at UCLA who's been a critic of the bill. It will consume observant decision-making to determine what counts as a sensitive community, and eligible to protections from the new progress that SB 50 is designed to accelerate.

But emerging analyses are suggesting that developers would be more likely to capitalize on new opportunities in wealthier neighborhoods anyway. A stare at the potential effects of SB 50 in the Bay district by the University of California–Berkeley researchers demonstrate developers are more likely to profit from edifice in well-heeled Menlo Park than poorer Fruitvale, for example. And many constraints would quiet stand in the way of new construction, including behind permitting processes, local rezoning, and the sheer expense of edifice something new in California.

Still, it is worth considering what would happen to the people in areas more likely to be affected. High-income neighborhoods near sound transit, jobs, and schools could note higher densities permitted in their neighborhoods. But that doesn't add up to leafy blocks of low-slung Craftsmans would be bulldozed overnight and transformed into looming mini-Manhattans. Available properties could be built, or rebuilt, to moderately taller heights. "SB 50 could thus result in a more gradual densification of housing in transit-rich neighborhoods, as underutilized sites become buildings with 10-20 units," the Berkeley analysis found. The outcome that many anti-SB 50 activists dread is that their neighbors would elect to cash in, selling their houses to a developer who wanted to accomplish that. "That sounds fancy an opportunity, not a threat," Foote said.

It's not arduous to understand why homeowners are so sensitive to SB 50 messing with the formula of California living. This is the space that took the post-war suburban promise to its apotheosis. As population boomed in the 30 years after World War II, the condition built approximately six million housing units. More than 3.5 million of them were single-family homes. These were the houses and backyards and station-wagon-filled driveways that Americans saw on television every night in the 1960s and ‘70s; they represented the sun-kissed Golden Dream that lured so many millions of newcomers. To resuscitate that promise, California now has to change its physical shape, and change is never effortless for incumbents who've benefited. People are entitled to want to note their blue skies.

But the Golden Dream was never for everyone. Families with lower incomes and families of color were locked out of California's suburban prosperity by illegal and legal forms of discrimination—including the zoning codes that were pioneered here. A 1885 ban on washhouses (and the Chinese immigrants who mostly used them) from parts of Modesto is considered the first factual zoning ordinance in the U.S. In 1925, the California Supreme Court upheld one of the country's earliest cases fighting for the "police power" of cities to allow single-family homes in inescapable areas and tenements in others. These practices were derived from explicitly racist attempts to segregate whites and non-whites. And as residential zoning evolved, stated rationales were rarely rational. Here's how the judges in the 1925 case glorified the single-family home, and complete that it represented:

The establishment of [single family] districts is for the general welfare because it tends to promote and perpetuate the American home.... The character and attribute of manhood and womanhood are in a large measure the result of home environment. The home and its intrinsic influences are the very foundation of sound citizenship, and any factor contributing to the establishment of homes and the fostering of home life doubtless tends to the enhancement not only of community life but of the life of the nation as a whole....

It is needless to further anatomize and enumerate complete of the factors which obtain a lone family home more desirable for the promotion and perpetuation of family life than an apartment, hotel, or flat. It will suffice to suppose that there is a sentiment practically universal, that this is so.

But often, that idealized model of California homeownership was a privilege reserved primarily for white people, fancy that pioneer couple in the mural presiding over the Sacramento hearing room. The millions of Californians who arrived after the post-war edifice boom ended found rising costs and narrowing opportunities. SB 50 would attempt to start pulling up these legacies, at least at one insidious root. (It does not address, for example, the effects of wage inequality.)

The bill faces long odds. Its next senate committee hearing will be led by a legislator who opposes it, rather than Wiener himself. "We're not guaranteed to pass it," Wiener told Palo Alto Weekly. "We're working arduous to build uphold and build momentum for it. But they believe a shot."

But supporters might consume heart that not every resident in places fancy Beverly Hills or Cupertino agrees with their elected officials. Evan Goldin, a Palo Alto aboriginal in his early 30s, told the Weekly that he's been frustrated by the rhetoric of his mayor and neighbors who don't appear to want to obtain way for new faces.

"That makes me quite sad, as someone who grew up here and quiet lives here and wants to believe stalwart bonds to the community," Goldin said. "I want my friends to be able to afford to live here. I want my teachers and janitors and baristas to afford a haphazard to live where they work. The world will be OK if a few more families live on your block."

This narrative originally appeared on CityLab, an editorial colleague site. Subscribe to CityLab's newsletters and result CityLab on Facebook and Twitter.

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